Chantries

     A chantry is a chapel or altar with an endowment from a priest or a high-ranking benefactor, and dedicated to provide prayers and litany for the dead, often the benefactor and his family, but sometimes for all Christian souls. It was to gain atonement for their sins committed during their lives and then achieve eternal peace. The earliest chantries were in the early years of the 13th-century and it is probable more than half the number of chantries founded in England were between 1425 and 1500.[1]

Most of the chantries in the cathedral (some were chapels without any endowment) were founded by men who were being commemorated, but some were founded by bishops for notable individuals.[2] The chantries were paid through lands and rents or by a grant to buy lands, with the king’s permission, to produce a yearly sum to support the chantry. The endowment provided a salary for a priest and to buy candles for the altar. They were ministered mostly by vicars, but by the end of the 13th-century a separate body of chantry chaplains emerged. Sometimes the chantry priest was appointed by the descendants of the founder of the chapel.

 Very early in the current cathedral there is some evidence for two chantries for the souls of two kings of England[3] and they were attached to the altar of St John. The earliest altar recorded was in the early 1220s and named St Mary’s.[4] One of the earliest chantry chapels in England was for Bishop Stavenby, probably founded in 1238.[5] In 1241, there were five chaplains attending the principal altars which must have included St Chad’s altar[6] in the nave, possibly St Peter’s altar in the presbytery (or the retrochoir) and St Stephen in the north transept. The altar of St Thomas was mentioned in the Sacrist’s Roll of 1345/6.[7] By the end of the 13th-century there were at least thirteen chantries attached to one of the ten altars located around the high altar.[8]

The Acts of the Dean and Chapter, 1321–84[9] listed the ten altars of the Virgin Mary, and those of Saints Chad, John, Radegund (1242), Catherine (1240s), Thomas (1321), Peter (off the choir south aisle and probably the consistory court, 1254, and founded by Dean Mancetter), Stephen (1254), Andrew (probably in the north choir aisle), and Nicholas (probably in the south choir aisle, 1390). In 1335, the chapter ordered an inquiry into the chantries and found only five of the 20 chantries were being properly served. Some were being administered from a distance. It appeared the chaplains were not being remunerated sufficiently. In 1411, Bishop Burghill gave to the thirteen chantry priests without official houses a site on the south side of the Close. However, poor endowments continued with some chantries closing and some being re-dedicated and re-endowed. By 1429, the poor financial state meant loans had to be secured to pay the chaplains. Evidently the chantries were not always revenue raising assets for the cathedral.

An altar for St Blaise, probably in the choir, was founded by Dean Heywood, 1457–92. The altar had an alabaster table on which scenes of the saint's life were depicted.[10] Blaize was the patron saint of wool-combers and most likely attracted the attention of pilgrims connected with the wool trade. St Kenelm's altar was recorded in 1466.[11] In 1468, Heywood founded a chantry with the altar of Jesus and St Anne. The altar stood in its own chapel in a loft, which lay across the north choir aisle next to the choir screen. Its furnishings included statues of the Risen Christ and of St Anne, a pair of organs, and choir stalls.[12] In 1499, there was an altar of St George. A chapel was built by Dean Yotton which stood against the outer wall of the nave opposite the second bay from the central crossing. This was his chantry chapel when he died in 1512. By 1720, Yotton’s tomb was set in the nave wall. There is a reference in 1523 to Bishop Pattishall's chantry at St. Stephen's altar, located in the north transept according to Browne Willis, 1727.

Brown Willis plan of cathedral, 1720, published 1727

In 1535, there were seventeen chantry chaplains. Endowments brought in £95 annually. With Reformation came the dissolution of the cathedral's chantries in 1548 and the termination of chantry chaplains.[13] They narrowly escaped losing all their property at the beginning of 1549 under the terms of the Chantries Act of 1547. Across England around 2,000 chantry chapels and guild chapels disappeared. In Staffordshire some of the chantry chaplains found livings elsewhere, but most received a pension[14] and left. The chantry chaplains' college of houses was sold to London speculators and came eventually into the hands of the corporation of Lichfield. All statues on the high altar and in the chapels were removed and by the end of 1549 the chantry chapels had been dismantled. The richest at the time of Dissolution was the chantry to the chapel of St Nicholas.

Ironically, in 1546 Henry VIII died and he ordered in his will that masses should be said for his soul in the chantry chapel which he had built at Windsor.[15] In the reign of Mary, 1553-1558, an attempt was made to revive chantries, to restore their lost possessions, and to repair the damage done to the chapels ; but the property of the chantries, which had in most cases passed into the hands of private individuals could not be recovered, consequently few new chantries were founded and few repaired.[16]

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[1] P. Biver and F. E. Howard, ‘Chantry Chapels in England,’ Archaelogical Journal, (1909), 66, 1, 3.

[2] H. E. Savage, ‘The Great Register of Lichfield’ (Unpub. article in the Cathedral Library, 1923), 3. An expanded publication is H. E. Savage, ‘The Great Register of Lichfield Cathedral, known as Magnum Registrum Album’. In the Third Series of The Collections for a history of Staffordshire, (1924), Staffordshire Record Society, 1–365. This ‘Great White Register’ was, Savage suggested, started in 1323.

[3] Henry I and Edward I are likely dedications. It would not be surprising to know Richard II either had a dedicated altar or at one time it was intended to have one (author’s view).

[4] H. E. Savage (1924), 15.

[5] E. L. Cutts, Parish priests and their people in the Middle Ages in England, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, (1898), 451.

[6] H. E. Savage (1924), 331.

[7] J. C. Cox and W. H. S. J. Hope, ‘Sacrist's Roll of Lichfield Cathedral A.D. 1345’, Derbyshire Archaeological Journal (1882), 4, 107–138.

[8]  M W Greenslade and R B Pugh, 'House of secular canons - Lichfield cathedral: To the Reformation', in A History of the County of Stafford: Volume 3, (London, 1970),153.

[9] Bodleian M.S. Ashmole. 794, Part 1, fol. 48–9.

[10] H. E. Savage, Thomas Heywode, Dean (Unpub. article in the Cathedral Library, 1925), 9–10.

[11] Lichfield Cathedral Library, MS. Lichfield 4, f. 21v.

[12] Ibid. 11–18. Also, Lichfield Cathedral Library MS. Lichfield 4, fol.22v and 31.

[13] The 17 chantries terminated and their value are listed in T. Harwood, The history and antiquities of the church and city of Lichfield. (London: 1806), 13–4.

[14] Ibid, 14.

[15] P. Biver and F. E. Howard (1909), 3.

[16] Ibid 4.

Penitence pre-Reformation

Although confessions and penance were mentioned in the 6th-century Celtic church they were not widely recognised as essential during the first millennium. The Eucharist was deemed to provide pardon for sins. From the 11th-century they gradually became an essential, almost obsessive, sacrament of the church. The Fourth Lateran Council, 1215, laid down everyone above the age of 12 years for girls/women and 14 for boys/men were expected to give confession at least once a year[1] and that was customary during Lent. From Ash Wednesday, following Shrove Tuesday, the time of self-reflection known as Shrovetide marked when people had to ‘shrove’ themselves or go to confession. It was 40 days of penitence and reflected Christ’s fasting and temptation in the wilderness. Any previous penitents in the congregation were taken to the door of the church after the mass and blessing of ashes on Ash Wednesday and could not return until Maundy Thursday before Good Friday. This expulsion was known as ‘public.’[2] ‘Public penance’ continued until Reformation in some areas, but in others it was ignored or simply threatened. It is unclear how many churches, including Lichfield, followed this practice. Church courts dealt with serious cases and the public penance could be in a public space or involve custody.

 Confession

            Confession, or penitencia, usually occurred after the early morning mass and before the priest had his midday meal (and not on Sundays). In churches with a large congregation the confession had to be timed to a particular day (precise time was unknown). The nobility and those with status often had an early choice for their appointed day. Some avoiders went for confession to a monk or friar (often begging Dominicans or Franciscans), or an anchorite if one was attached to a church, or even to a neighbouring parish priest and this was unacceptable or forbidden. Evasion was a punishable offence and consequently confession was almost universally observed. In a large cathedral like Lichfield, chantry priests might have helped the canons to hear all the confessions during the Lenten period. It would have had to serve people from neighbouring villages without easy access to a priest. In 1523, it was decided a curate should hear confessions for those living in the Close, receiving 2d. from each servant at Easter. In 1530, with fear of the plague returning it was decided the confessions of all servants and laymen living within the Close were to be heard in one of the chapels in the cathedral by the Vicar of St. Mary's.

 

            Confession had to occur in a part of the cathedral which was visible to others. There was no discussion behind a screen and this was essential for women. There might have been a ‘shriving pew.’ It would be away from people waiting to give confession, but still in their sight. For the cathedral this might have been at the far east end of the nave. The confesser and priest could sit sideways to each other, or across a table. The priest might have worn a hood.

            Confession began by the individual saying ‘Bless you’ and the priest replying ‘The Lord be with you.’ The priest then listed sins[3] the confesser might have committed. It included asking if the penitent understood The Creed, if they believed in the transubstantiation of the bread and wine, if they knew the ten commandments, had they ever blasphemed, or broken the Sabbath, not honoured their parents, engaged in witchcraft or theft, or failed to pay a loan, or coveted anything. It continued with the seven deadly sins[4] and whether they had undertaken the seven works of mercy[5] including giving to the poor. Parents were questioned on how they had taught their children. All were asked how they had respected the church and its environment. Any confession was followed by questions of when, where, who was affected, how often was it done, and what was the outcome. The penitent had to then show remorse and regret. The penance given by the priest had to fit the gravity of the sin and clearly each priest had their preferred way of sentencing penance. It is unclear how the priest learned if the penitent had conformed. There are cases known where the priest completed the penance, as a proxy, for an inadequate penitent.[6]

    A series of manuals were prepared for the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield to help the priest learn of everything to be confessed. The priest had to enquire ‘who, what, where, with whose help, why, in what way and when was the sin committed. The statute did not lay down specific penances for particular sins, but the penances took the form of having to fast, repeat prayers and give alms, and stated it was best when all three were given.[7]

            Penances included kneeling and kissing the ground,[8] giving alms, praying regularly, receiving biblical instruction, saying five Pater nesters and five Aves with the Credo, processing around the church without shoes to be seen by all, and fasting on set days for sometimes lengthy periods. At all times calling on God for mercy. Harsher penances included having to go on pilgrimage or for knights to have to go on a crusade. The most contentious was the selling of indulgences in which penances were reduced. The priest would pray for the penitent and later in the medieval period was given the power to absolve the sinner. It was forbidden for the confesser to pay the priest, but this undoubtedly occurred, even if it was delayed until Easter. The priest learned much from the confessions and although they could not reveal the details (the seal of confession), some wrote about the problems and difficulties faced by their congregation.[9] It must have been a learning experience for young priests.

            Reformation terminated the penitentiary church and confession now became elective. People confessed at least part of their sins by regular statements of confession, said by the congregation together and sometimes quietly, during worship.

 

If confession improved physical and mental wellbeing,[10] it would be interesting to know if mental issues increased after Reformation. The flipside is intensive questioning must have instilled feelings of guilt and, perhaps, wellbeing improved post-Reformation. Issues resulting from penance can be found in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, especially the Parson's Tale.

Some historians[11] have re-evaluated late medieval confession and concluded it had a massively influential role in late medieval religious life. Written guides to confession existed prior to the 13th-century and then the number of guides increased in response to the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215.[12] These guides showed how to obtain the maximum benefits from the sacrament. There were two kinds, those addressed to the faithful, so that they could prepare a good confession, and those addressed to the priests, who had to make sure that no sins were left unmentioned and the confession was as thorough. Manuals were written in Latin and in the vernacular.   

[1] The Council’s Canon 21, Omnis utriusque sexus, mandated annual confession for every adult, regardless of gender or estate.

[2] See Orme, N. Going to church in Medieval England, (New Haven and London: 2022), 261–274 for which most of this post depends. From the 13th-century the sins could include adultery, incest, cohabiting with a priest, usury, sorcery, perjury, false witness and the exposure of babies (rejecting a new-born and exposing it so that someone might adopt). See also M. E. Cornett, The form of confession a later Medieval genre for examining conscience. A Ph.D. Thesis for the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2011.

[3] Sin was seen as a disease of the soul and had to be cured by Easter.

[4] pride, wrath, envy, lust, sloth, avarice, and gluttony. Sometimes an eighth, dejection, was added.

[5] To feed the hungry, give water to the thirsty, clothe the naked, shelter the homeless, visit the sick, visit the imprisoned, or ransom the captive and to bury the dead. The list is from Matthew 25.  

[6] G. Fort, ‘Penitents and Their Proxies: Penance for Others in Early Medieval Europe,’ Church History, (2017), 86, 1.

[7i] F. M. Powicke and C. R. Cheney eds. ‘Councils and Synods with other documents relating to the English Church, Volume II. 1205–1313, (Oxford: 1964), I, 224–6.

[8] Henry II was forced to do public penance on his knees for his part in the murder of Thomas Becket,

[9] A. Murray, Counselling in Medieval Confession, In Conscience and Authority in the Medieval Church, Chapter 3, (Oxford: 2013), 87–103.

[10] K. Harvey, Confession as therapy in the Middle Ages, see online https://wellcomecollection.org/articles/WovlRioAAHW6Xfqn

[11] J. Bossy, Christianity in the West 1400-1700 (Oxford: 1985) and T. Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton: 1977).

[12] J. Garrison, Handbooks for Confessors, Online Oxford Bibliographies, (2017), 27 June. Also J. T. McNeill and H. M. Gamer, eds. Medieval Handbooks of Penance (New York: 1990).

 

Pre-Reformation Mass

             The sacrament of the eucharist known as the mass in medieval England was the principal rite of the church. From the Prayer Book, 1549, it became known as Holy Communion. In pre-Reformation times mass had to be undertaken between dawn and midday on every day. Three masses, midnight, dawn and mid-morning, were usually held on Christmas Day and two held for Easter on Easter Eve[1] and Easter morning. It was taken in the afternoon on the quarterly Saturdays known as Ember days.[2] The mass on Sunday was known as ‘High Mass’ and involved procession, choir singing in plainsong and in the cathedral was undertaken by several clergy. There would be acolytes to carry candles, incense and holy water. ‘Low Mass’ on a weekday could involve one priest and several helpers; perhaps a deacon or sub-deacon. Weddings had a nuptial mass and funerals had a requiem mass. The Lady Chapel would have had a ‘Lady mass’, and this was usually celebrated daily. Mass was said in the many chantries of the cathedral, but it was not always observed. Dean Denton in 1428, stipulated masses were necessary each day in turn from the sixth to the tenth hour and after the consecration during high mass one of them was to say mass for the benefit of travellers. In 1473, Dean Haywood stipulated a mass every Friday morning to be sung in the Name of Jesus followed by a requiem mass for all the bishops, deans, and canons of Lichfield.

A priest celebrating mass, c. 1410. MS Ludwig IX 5 fol. 171. Getty Museum Collection. It shows two priests and perhaps a deacon.

     

    The timing for the mass was often a problem. Up to the late-14th century the timing could be by sunrise and sunset; the ancient way of Judaism. This meant it began with a calling bell, but this would have varied through the year and was somewhat subjective. This was replaced by ignoring light and dark and timing from midnight. It was standard by the 15th-century and assisted by sundials known as mass-clocks. However, this was still imprecise and there are records of parishioners complaining of not knowing when a priest was about to begin mass.

A mass-clock (sundial), though not its original place. . A sundial was known in 1491 and probably the first cathedral clock. A sundial was erected in 1785 on the west front to regulate the clock in the tower. It was removed in 1881 and in 1929 placed on a column on the south side. The domed, cube dial has a gnomon on each face with Arabic numerals.

     By the early 15th-century mechanical clocks were introduced and services came to have set hours. There was even adjustment of times for summer and winter. Secular cathedrals, like Lichfield, became the model for churches to copy. Eventually, the church daily times were divided into three parts, at night, early morning with mass often at 9 am and late afternoon. Mass would have taken at least an hour.

        

The liturgy was set out in the missals of Sarum (Salisbury), York and Hereford, with Lichfield recorded as following the material from Sarum. The Sarum Missal was first partially adapted and recorded in the Statutes of Bishop Heyworth, 1420–1447. The following is the pre-Reformation rite described by Orme,[3] with the caveat there would have been minor changes depending on celebrating a festival day. Almost all words were in Latin.

Before the service the priest sprinkled water with salt (aspersion [4]) on the altar and those assistants close to the altar. They might then process around the cathedral clockwise asperging side altars etc. The priest then dressed himself with a chasuble, whilst hymns were sung, and moved to the altar, now lit with one or two candles. He faced the altar and gave an introit, a short Biblical text said or sung. He offered a prayer of confession to those around him in the chancel and they responded. This was followed by a sign of peace to his assistant, kissing the altar and making a sign of the cross. The hymn ‘Glory be to God on high’ would be sung as incense was wafted onto the altar followed by onto the priest.

            The priest would then turn to face the congregation and give the special prayer for the day followed by a helper reading the epistle from the south side of the choir. The priest with the choir would then sing a text from a Psalm followed by the gospel reading made from the north side of the choir. The priest or choir then sang the Creed. Perhaps, a sermon and announcements would be given. Gifts could then be taken by clerks and how this was done differed between churches. Sometimes a collection for the poor would be requested. The mass in fact did not need a congregation, lay worshippers present needed to watch, pray at the right times if they could discern this and keep quiet. The Sarum missal gives virtually no attention to the laity.

            The mass started by placing on the altar a paten holding a wafer of unleavened bread[5] and a small chalice[6] with wine and water. Again, the altar was censed before being taken to everyone in the cathedral. The priest turned to the altar, said a short prayer to God and to the Virgin followed by the choir singing ‘Lift up your hearts’ and ‘Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of hosts.’ It ended with the ringing of the sanctus bell. The priest in a low, almost inaudible voice began the consecration. There is some evidence the priest might have said this most holy part of the service in a louder voice in some cathedrals. Many viewed this canon to be personal to the priest and an almost silent voice was respectful. The canon included prayers for the pope, bishop, king, priest himself, patron saint(s) (Chad and Mary for Lichfield) and sometimes the apostles. The priest venerated the host (bread) and held it aloft for the first time. The pronouncement of Christ’s words changed the bread into Christ’s physical body and blood. It was signalled by ringing a small handbell or bells.[7] The sanctus bell was then rung and this could be heard outside of the cathedral. Those who heard the bell were expected to genuflect. The priest repeated this rite with the wine and again it was raised aloft. He made the sign of the cross five times on the chalice using the bread.

     Transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ was published as doctrine in 1215 at the Fourth Lateran Council. The change occurred at the raising up of the bread and wine and the elevation became known as ‘seeing God’ or ‘seeing one’s Maker.’ It was therefore important for the laity to see this event. From this time the chancels became better lit up with larger windows. Chancel and choir screens had squints for people to peer through. It is unknown how those in the nave of Lichfield cathedral could see through to the high altar. It is more likely the happening was known from the sound of the handbell.

Mass from an image taken from Cambridge, The Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 22 fol. 80. Notice the variety of acolytes in the chancel, including one pulling on a bell. Candles are apparently absent.

 

            The priest then sang ‘The Lord’s Prayer’ (Pater Noster) with the choir or clerk replying with the last line. He then broke the bread into three pieces and prayed. The choir meanwhile sang the Agnus Dei. The priest added one piece of bread to the wine as a sign of mingling the body and blood and then kissed the chalice. He took the pax or pax-board,[8] a tablet of ivory, wood or metal marked with the symbol of Christ, kissed it, and handed it to a clerk who passed it on to those in the chancel and then the laity in the cathedral for everyone to kiss.[9] The person holding the pax said ‘pax tecum’ and received the response ‘et cum spiritu tuo’, that is, ‘Peace to you, And with your spirit’.

 

Possible Pax, 183 x 120 mm, made with copper, mid-to-late 15th-century from St Georges Church, South Acre, Norfolk. Its wear suggests this usage.

     

Meanwhile the priest bowed and genuflected in front of the altar and then consumed the bread and wine. He did not share the host, even if other priests were present. On Easter morning everyone shared the communion and therefore there was a need for a large paten, tankard to hold the wine and water and several large chalices for distribution.

Large tankards and chalices donated by Bishop John Hacket for Easter morning communion, mid-17th century. From 1549 Cranmer wrote a Prayer Book stipulating lay people could take Communion in the chancel on Sundays and festival days. Chalices and tankards had to be larger. In the 1552 Prayer Book the Communion was held in the nave with an altar table and parishioners had to attend at least three times in the year with Easter one of the occasions. The bread was now placed in the hand, not the mouth. Both sexes could now communicate together.

             The mass ended with the washing of the priest’s hands, the paten and chalices with un-consecrated wine which was then drunk by the priest. Further prayers were offered and then ‘The Lord be with you’ was said with the response ‘And with your spirit.’ The deacon sang ‘Let us bless the Lord’ and the response was ‘Thanks be to God.’ Before dismissal there could be a reading from the Gospel of John. There might be bidding prayers for members, or past members, and benefactors of the church. These prayers could be paid for and this was contentious. The clergy would exit separately via a door on the north side of the cathedral.

    Surplus consecrated hosts were kept in a container called a pyx and suspended above the altar. There are accounts that indicate people entering the church considered this leftover bread was sacred and to see it was more than spiritual. No one would go blind that day, travellers would reach their destination unharmed, expectant mothers would give birth in safety. Every day was considered dependent on God’s grace.

    Church courts often sentenced those convicted of moral or spiritual crimes to do public penance within the church. This might include walking ahead of the procession at the start of mass wearing a loose tunic without a belt, having no shoes and carrying a large candle. They might be beaten as they walked and have to hold the candle throughout the service.[10]

Paten and chalice found in the nave excavation, 2003. The buried objects were connected to priest’s coffins and clearly showed their office.

Cranmer’s revision

Providing bread and wine for all was not undertaken until Cranmer introduced a communion order in 1548 followed by his Book of Common Prayer in 1549.[11] He followed this with the Book of Common Prayer in 1552 in which transubstantiation was not mentioned and the real presence of Christ in the Mass was within the faithful believer. The words given by the priest were now, “Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with understanding.”

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[1] The ancient Jewish understanding was the day for the church began in the evening and not midnight or even dawn.

[2] The four occasions in the year with prayer, fasting and sometimes ordination.

[3] N. Orme, Going to Church in Medieval England, (Yale and London: 2022), 212–217.

[4] The name comes from the first word in the 9th verse of Psalm 51, Psalm 50 in the Vulgate.

[5] The 1345/6 Sacrist’s Roll mentions ‘four pyxes (pyxides) of ivory for the Eucharist, three of which are ornamented with silver, and the other is of copper.’ There is also a ‘pyx, embroidered with pearls, for the Body of Christ, the gift of Walter de Langton, Bishop. These are containers to hold the bread.

[6] The 1345/6 Sacrist’s Roll lists “one chalice, ornamented with precious stones, with its paten. Also, gold chalices. Also, nine chalices of silver and gilt, with their patens. And one white silver chalice. Also, one good chalice of silver gilt at the altar of the Blessed Virgin.” This list indicates the taking of eucharist in the many chapels in the cathedral.

[7] The 1345/6 Sacrist’s Roll mentions two hand bells.

[8] There is no mention of a pax in the 1345 Sacrist’s Roll, but it does mention “two images of ivory of the Blessed Mary, of which one is greater and the other less.” These were probably used like a pax. There are less than a dozen paxes surviving in English churches.

[9] The pax began to replace actual kisses in the 13th-century because of concerns on the sexual, social and medical implications of actual kissing. Sometimes the pax was wiped between each kiss.

[10] N. Orme (2022), 218.

[11] The Book of the Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the Use of the Church of England, 1549. This was in the reign of Edward VI.