First Civil War siege of the Close, March 1643.

 In December 1642, a troop of around 300 Royalist soldiers from Derbyshire led by Lord Chesterfield entered Lichfield and garrisoned in the Close. His army was a mix of local gentry and servants, most were ill equipped and untrained.[1] The cathedral served as a barracks with horses stabled in the cathedral. At the same time, Royalist contingents secured Tamworth, Stafford and Dudley. A red royalist flag was run up the central spire and must have angered townspeople as many, possibly most, supported the Parliamentarians.

Reconstruction of the fortified cathedral occupied by the Royalists

Interpretation of the fortifications in 1640 by H. Thorpe, Historical Collections of Staffordshire, 1950-51 (1954). Note the moat water does not extend to the north side, the Beacon Street gate is opposite the West Front Door, the pilgrim's gate is on the south side and the Minster Pool is against the wall and extends widely around the south-west tower.

 

  Two months later the Parliamentary commander for Warwickshire and Staffordshire, Robert Greville, Second Baron Brooke of Warwick, after removing Royalists from Warwickshire with a battle at Stratford-upon-Avon, August 1642, brought his private army of around 1200 foot-soldiers, wearing their distinctive purple uniforms, to Lichfield. They had some experience in warfare and were well organised in ten companies each led by an officer. Greville was an ardent Calvinist, Puritan and supporter of the ‘Levellers,’ and possibly the Scottish Covenanters. His army had distinguished themselves at Edgehill (then known as the battle of Kenton), October 1642, and helped defend London at the battle of Brentford, November 1642. Greville arrived on March 1 1643 and immediately placed his cannon opposite the south-east gate.[2] A medium-sized cannon called a demi-culverin, that fired balls with a 110 mm diameter, was fired at the gate, but made little difference.

Robert Greville. He previously said he would flatten the cathedral and then go on to do the same for St Pauls. He described cathedrals as ‘the haunt of anti-Christ’[3] Wikimedia Commons.

 

Demi-Culverin cannon. One used to attack the south-east gate was given a name of ‘Black Bess’. It fired a 9-pound cannonball.

 The central tower of the cathedral had minion cannons that were small bore, typically 76.2 mm or 3 inch diameter, and fired a 5-pound cannonball. On the walls were soldiers with muskets.[4] Then followed a freak event which has been a story to tell ever since the morning of March 2. A sniper killed Robert Greville; it is one of the earliest recorded assassinations by a sniper. A much-loved story speaks of the sniper being on the central tower.

 

View from the central tower to where a cannon was positioned (near Speaker’s Corner). The distance  is 170 m (185 yards). An owner of a civil war musket has privately said this distance might just have been lethal, but accuracy would be minimal. Much more likely was the sniper was on the curtain wall battlements or gate towers.

There are at least four different reports detailing the assassination. 

1. Edward, Earl of Clarendon  wrote[5] Brooke lodged in a house within musket-shot from the Close. On the intended day of assault of the Close, he was sitting in his chamber with the window open. He was, from the wall of the Close, shot by a common soldier with a musket ball in the eye of which he instantly died without speaking a word. Clarendon was an arch Royalist so the narrative could be arranged so that the assassination appeared unfortunate.Another version has Brooke killed by an unknown person with a brace of bullets[6] and another[7] claimed a large quantity of slugs was fired.

2. Brooke was looking out of a window in an upstairs room and directing his troops where to fire the cannon. He then descended from the upper room, and as he came out of a door was shot in the eye.[8] A version has the musket ball ricocheting from the door frame.
3. The third mentions being shot in the mouth with a musket ball made from church lead. The taking of lead from a church roof adds to the infamy and being shot in the mouth seems like perverse justice. The soldier who took the lead from the roof and fired his home-made musket was named as John Dyott, a local Royalist.  It supports the notion the shot came from the cathedral roof/tower.[9]  Harwood wrote, Lord Brooke, a General of the Parliament Forces, preparing to besiege the Close of Lichfield, then garrisoned for King Charles I  received his death wound, on the spot beneath this inscription (in Dam Street), by a shot in the forehead from Mr. Dyott a gentleman who had placed himself on the battlements of the great steeple to annoy the Besiegers.[10] A variation has Brooke removing his helmet before being shot. Griffith Higgs, Dean of Lichfield 1638-1659, and an eyewitness does not mention Dyott.
4. Clayton[11] described Brooke as passing under cover from Market Street around the  backs of houses in Dam Street and then through an entry close to where his cannon was positioned. He was wearing his purple tunic and a five-barred headpiece (his armour at Warwick Castle shows a three-barred helmet) and this made him stand out. John Dyott, a man born both deaf and dumb, was posted on the cathedral tower armed with a fowling piece or punt gun (it had a barrel around 2.1 m or 7 feet long and a calibre of 40 mm).[12] It was loaded with a lead ball made from lead taken off the cathedral roof. Brooke leaned forward to give instructions to his gunner and was shot in his left eye.

 

17th-century matchlock musket

The Civil War was the first in England to use propaganda spread by pamphlets to exaggerate the feats and belittle the enemy. Since the assassination occurred on Chad’s Death Day, March 2, it led to some believing Chad was intervening. It was presented by the Royalists as quasi-divine justification which must have irritated the Parliamentarians. Clearly, the account of Brooke’s assassination appears overplayed. Most likely after a cannon bombardment of the south-east gate there was a reply from the besieged of a fusillade of musket shot and one ball killed Brooke. Almost certainly the shot came from the battlements on the south-east wall.

     The Parliamentarians brought in reinforcements led by John Gell from Derbyshire raising the besiegers to 2000 men. Gell was at one time a supporter of the king and then turned puritan opposing the king’s attempts to encourage high Anglicanism. It was said Gell used hostages to front his troops and avoid further sniper attack. The hostages were paraded along Dam Street which exposed them to sniper fire. The outcome was a sniper wounding Edward Peyto, Brooke’s deputy, who died some weeks later. Another senior officer was also killed. Exposing hostages was not repeated. This either, indicates great accuracy of the Royalist snipers, or is another distortion.

A scaling of the north wall with ladders was rebuffed. After collecting much flammable material from residents, they tried to set fire to the west gate, but failed under fire to place the material. At one point, the drawbridge on the west gate was lowered and attackers were repelled. A small Royalist group based at Rushall arrived to harry the besiegers, but retired after losing 60 horses. They tried a second time at night but to no avail.  

A large army of 3000, horse and foot, led by William Brereton arrived to assist the siege. Brereton was the commander of parliamentary forces in Cheshire, Shropshire, Lancashire and Staffordshire. He advocated total reform of the Anglican Church. On March 4, the Parliamentarians brought a mortar from Coventry to fire ‘grenadoes’ over the walls. These were hollow metal balls (perhaps ceramic at the start), around 250 mm (10 inches) across, filled with gunpowder and having a slow-burning fuse sticking out. The mortar lobbed them high with the intention of getting them to land in the south-west corner of the Close. Very many were sent over the walls, causing much damage accompanied by considerable noise. They were an indiscriminate terror weapon. Many missed the target and many failed to explode;  some even being sent back.

 

A mortar at Goodrich Castle

     After 3 days, Chesterfield, hopelessly outnumbered and almost out of ammunition, pulled down his flag on March 5 and gave instructions to a trumpeter to sound a surrender and later opened the gates. Residents of the Close were pardoned, but Chesterfield and his leaders were detained. Chesterfield was led to the tower and died in captivity in 1656..

---

[1] S. Shaw, The history and antiquities of Staffordshire. Volume 1 ed. (London: 1798) described Chesterfield as more remarkable for his loyalty to the king than in the arts of war.

[2] According to Shaw (1798).

[3] He owned the elaborate and well-furnished Warwick Castle. W. Dugdale, Monasticum Anglicanum. London: 1673) described him as ‘strangely tainted with fanatic principles’.

[4] W. Gresley, The siege of Lichfield: A tale illustrative of the Great Rebellion. (London: 1840).

[5] E. H. Clarendon, The history of the rebellion and civil wars in England. Vol. 4, 221. His account was written between 1646–48, but not published until 1702–4. The narrative is taken from an edition (Oxford: 1807).

[6] T. Lomax, A short account of the City and Close of Lichfield. (Lichfield: 1819).

[7] H. S. Ward, Lichfield and its cathedral: a brief history and guide. (Bradford and London: 1892).

[8] W. Dugdale, Monasticum Anglicanum (London: 1673).

[9] It is thought this narrative was spun in a propaganda pamphlet and has been extended with time. It is repeated by A. Dougan, One shot, one kill. A history of the sniper. (London: 2004).

[10] T. Harwood, The history and antiquities of the church and city of Lichfield. (London: 1806), 503.

[11] H. Clayton, ‘Loyal and Ancient City. The Civil War in Lichfield’. (Lichfield, self-published: 1987), 22.

[12] Such a musket was not generally used until the 19^th century, so it must have been self-made with an eccentrically long barrel (after 1630 they were normally 1m long). The calibre indicates a large lead ball and would have caused extensive damage. Such a musket still exists with the Dyott family.

Second siege, 7-21 April 1643.

 Prince Rupert, nephew of the king and ‘General of the Horse’, with 1200 horse and dragoons, and 400–700 foot[1] left Oxford determined to secure the Midlands. He also arranged for culverin and demi-culverin sized cannons to follow.

Prince Rupert

 Despite leading this experienced regiment, Rupert had difficulty charging 200-barricaded soldiers in Camp Hill (Deritend), Birmingham, eventually entering the town and burning some buildings. Many criticise Rupert for this reckless skirmish. He moved on to Walsall and Cannock before finally reaching Lichfield. 

Route taken by Rupert’s army.

An immediate  summons to Colonel Russel (or Roweswell) to surrender the Close was met with the cathedral ringing the bells. Russel is thought to have had 150 horse and 400 foot around the walls of the Close.[2]  Bombarding the Close wall on the north side for a week with 10–14 pounders failed to open the wall or induce surrender. This bombardment might have been from the high ground on the northwest corner now known as Prince Rupert’s Mound.

 

Current view of the cathedral from Rupert’s Mound. The Mound was raised in the third siege and is the only fieldwork left around the Close.

A letter from a Royalist soldier to his wife described a scaling of the wall near the south gate with much loss of life. Using battering rams and hurling rocks made no difference. A new tactic was needed, so Rupert’s troops drained the moat on the north side of the Close. It was probably full with winter rain.[3] He then supposedly recruited 50 coalminers[4] and requisitioned them to make four tunnels[5] under the inner wall of the Close. Three of these tunnels were discovered and abandoned. One undiscovered tunnel in the north-west corner of the Close was filled with five barrels of gunpowder and exploded in the hours of darkness on April 20 1643. It breached the wall with a 6 m wide gap.[6] There was fierce fighting in the Close, as well as all around the wall, and Russel claimed around 100 were killed and 160 taken prisoner. He also stated his losses were only 14 killed. Prince Rupert caught a musket ball in his foot and some of his other officers were injured. The Royalists retreated and then aimed cannon through the gap in the wall. Russel was now out of ammunition and surrendered the next day. Rupert was anxious to move on to relieve a siege at Reading and his terms of surrender were generous. Russel was allowed with his troops to march to Coventry with their colours, muskets, horses and 11 carts containing valuables taken from the cathedral.[7]

In the 47 days the cathedral and Close were held by the Parliamentarians much was ransacked according to Royalist accounts. Dugdale[8] stated monuments were demolished (67 gravestones robbed of brasswork, five notable tombs wrecked), carved work pulled down (100 coat-of-arms destroyed), windows battered, records of the cathedral destroyed, horses stabled in the church, a guard-room located in the cross-aisle, pavement broken, choir polluted with excrement, a cat hunted with hounds (presumably for betting) and a calf wrapped in linen sprinkled with water from the font in derision of baptism. Lists like this were commonly given for churches damaged in the Civil War and published after the return of the monarchy. Fortunately, Precentor Higgins rescued the St Chad's Gospels and Elias Ashmole regained later other books. Griffith Higgs, Dean of Lichfield 1638-1659, was unlike Dugdale an eyewitness. He confirmed much of Dugdale except the mock baptism and the hunting of cats, but added there was destruction of the font, pulpit and anything with an image of a mitre; these, together with the altar and its rail, were the first targets for destruction at almost all the cathedrals.[9]

 The Close was now entrusted to Colonel Richard Bagot and his Staffordshire regiment of horse and foot and around 700 troops. Senior clergy had left before the siege, but some members, including Precentor Higgins, joined the army. Bagot raised £75 to repair the breached wall, £12 for the drawbridge, £8 for new gates and £8 for an inner tower. £10 was needed for drawing water back into the moat and £15 to make a pond for the horses. Bagot claimed much of the cost, including pay for the troops, came from him. However, between 1643 and 1645 there was a regular and reliable system of taxation. Supplies anticipating another siege were stockpiled and even gunpowder was produced within the Close. Sulphur (brimstone) was the critical ingredient having to be imported from Sicily. Projectiles were fashioned from lead and iron found within the Close. Another 140 men were recruited; clearly a third siege was expected.

Remains of tower at the west gate.

Bagot, with 400 horse, left the garrison and raided Cannock, Stafford and Burton. The regiment gained a reputation as skirmishers and plunderers. In March 1644, Prince Rupert’s army passed through Lichfield on its way to Newark and again with its return. In July, an ammunition train passed through on its way to Stratford-upon-Avon.[10] At this moment, the Royalists were based at Tutbury, Ashby-de-la-Zouch and Lichfield, whilst the Parliamentarians were at Derby, Stafford, Tamworth and Birmingham.

     In May 1645, Bagot left Lichfield with 300 foot and 200 horse to fight at Naseby where on June 14  8,000 Royalists lined up against 14,000 Parliamentarians. Bagot’s foot regiment was in the middle and was slaughtered. 900 Royalists were killed and half the army taken prisoner. Bagot returned to Lichfield with his horse regiment accompanying the king, who stayed one night in the Bishop’s Palace. Bagot was seriously wounded in the arm and he died three weeks later in the Close. Charles I returned to Lichfield in August for two days and in October for one night. Colonel Harvey Bagot replaced his brother and in January 1646 Sir Thomas Tyldesley took command of over 500 soldiers. Despite Naseby they were financially cared for as well as thoroughly prepared for battle.

[1] Accounts differ on this number. T. Lomax, A short account of the City and Close of Lichfield. (Lichfield: 1819) has 4000 troops.

[2] W. Gresley, The siege of Lichfield: A tale illustrative of the Great Rebellion. (London: 1840) thought Russel  had 80 horse and 80 foot.

[3]There are some accounts which believe the dimble on the north side of the Close was on raised ground and could not have had freestanding water from the Curborough Brook like the other three sides. It could have collected rainwater or received piped water. H. Thorpe, ‘Lichfield: a study of its growth and function’. Staffordshire Historical Collection (1950–51), 139–211 has a drawing of Lichfield dated 1640 showing a moat with water on the west, south and east side of the Close. If it was a dry dimble then its shape would have been like an ankle-breaking ditch if it was effectively defensive. N. Ellis and I. Atherton, 'Griffith Higg's account of the sieges of and iconoclasm at Lichfield Cathedral in 1643', Midland History (2009), 34, 2, 233-245 has Minster Pool on the south side and a dry ditch on the other three sides. Yet Rupert builds a bridge across this ditch.

[4] A common story is the tunnellers were coal-miners commandeered by a Colonel Hastings from the Cannock area, but they would have had Parliamentarian sympathies. It is possible that many of the men involved were sappers in the Royalist regiment. A round number of 50 is suspicious. For a general account see H. Clayton, ‘Loyal and Ancient City. The Civil War in Lichfield’. (Lichfield, self-published: 1987), 43.

[5] T. Harwood, The history and antiquities of the church and city of Lichfield. (London: 1806) mentions two tunnels. It was said the besiegers met the besieged in one tunnel and a fight ensued underground.

[6] This was a copy of the undermining of the wall at Breda, Belgium, 1637, in which Prince Rupert helped the Duke of Orange retake the town from the Spanish. To reach Breda town wall they dug covered trenches and added brushwood to the moat, so maybe that is how they reached the wall without being noticed. This was the first landmine in British history.

[7] W. Dugdale, A short view of the late troubles in England. (Oxford: 1681), 560, said Communion plate and linen were taken from the cathedral. Curiously, only 10 carts reached Coventry.

[8] Ibid, 559–60. 

[9] All cathedrals suffered in some way. York Minster got off lightly with its organ being removed. Carlisle lost its west front and most of the nave. Durham suffered badly.. 

[10] It is said Queen Henrietta Maria tried to sell Crown Jewels on the Continent to raise money for buying ammunition. It failed, but then the Parliamentarians later destroyed the jewels.  

Third siege, March 8 - July 16 1646

 A major reason Lichfield became the target for three sieges, apart from being a fortified garrison, was because it was on a vital supply route for the Royalists. With headquarters in Oxford, Charles I had support at Newark, Nottingham and parts of Yorkshire and Lichfield was on this supply line. After the fall of Newark, the only major centres of Royalist sympathy were at Lichfield, Worcester and Oxford. At Newark Charles gave himself up to the Scots army thinking he was safe and some thought the Royalist cause was almost lost and any new battle seemed unnecessary. For Lichfield it led to the worst siege in the war.[1]

Early in March 1646, Sir William Brereton, commander of the Parliamentarian forces in the North Midlands arrived in Lichfield with an army drawn from several Counties. It is unclear how many troops he commanded, one source said 3,000, but he thought there were 1000 Royalists (more like 800) besieged in the Close and he would have commanded more. On entry to the town, a skirmish led to three deaths. Brereton now believed time was on his side and the tactic was to slowly starve the Close into submission. He was clearly unaware of the preparations by the Royalists for a long siege, including gun positions on the central tower. Between 1643 and 46 the Royalists had an effective taxation system running in Staffordshire and the garrisoned soldiers were well kept and ready for battle. Early on, the water supply to the Close was cut off, but this made no difference because of wells in the Close. The next move was to surround the Close with earth fortifications. He built at least four earth mounts and placed cannon on top. The number and location of these mounts has been much queried. There was a mount on the north side, known as the ‘Gloucester Mount’, being guarded by men from Gloucestershire. It could have been on Prince Rupert’s Mound, where archaeology has found a rectangular platform, 17 m x 12 m, and in 1997, a quantity of musket balls and a fragment of iron mortar shell. Almost certainly, a mount was constructed in Dam Street, and another at the southwest corner. Placing them in Beacon Park, where Brereton was camped, has been suggested, but it seems too far away. Added to this, an earth bank was erected connecting Stowe Pool round to Beacon (Bacun) Street and northwards. If this barrier was similar to those done elsewhere it would have sharpened staves pointing to the close and deterring cavalry charges. In a letter, Brereton claimed there were three mounts now built along Beacon Street manned with 700 troops from Cheshire. Strangely, recent examination of the central tower shows cannon and musket damage on the north, south and east sides with little on the west side facing Beacon Street. Perhaps the cannon firing from Beacon Street mounts struck the front of the cathedral and this left the cannon on the other mounts to target the middle tower and spire.

The whole cathedral appears to have been besieged and surrounded by a formidable earth barrier mounted with cannon on top[2] and looking over the 15 m (50 feet) curtain wall of the Close. In defiance, Major-General Thomas Tyldesley led Royalist cavalry in a charge from the west gate and burnt down some houses in Beacon Street, which were providing cover. The problem for Brereton was he was waiting for a supply of ammunition. On the 13th April, Brereton gave an ultimatum to Tyldesley to surrender on the grounds they were hopelessly positioned, but it was declined. It was also answered on the day with a sally out of the Close, resulting in killing 30 and taking 50 prisoners.

  

A reconstruction of the redoubts and bulwarks constructed by Brereton.

On the 28th April, a soldier escaping from the Close was captured and interrogated. He let go food supplies in the Close were still sufficient, but ammunition was low. He also revealed a trench was dug out from the Close so that troops could secretly leave and attack the mounts on the north side. Much of this seems deliberate deception. However, fodder for horses was low, so the gate opened and horses were made to leave.

     On 6th May, Brereton finally received a ‘tunne’ of powder, equal to 60 barrels,[3] and began an intense 5-day bombardment of the Close and Cathedral from his raised cannon platforms. The 30lb cannon balls were fired from demi-cannons.

 

30lb demi-cannon

 The particular target was the central tower where it was mistakenly thought the leaders and their families were sheltering, where the gunpowder was said to be stored and from where deadly sniper shots were made. It was also provocatively adorned with many royalist flags and red sashes. On the 5th day (11am on12th May), the central spire came down bringing two floors of the tower, the roof of a side chapel on the south side and some part of the choir.[4] Floor pavement in the cathedral was fragmented. It is unknown how many were killed, but it must have included soldiers and their families.

 

Drawing 1645, after loss of the central spire. Strangely, it does not show the loss of the nave roof and there is a hint of damage to the east end. From J. Hewitt, 1874.[5]

Drawing from W. Gresley, 1840.

     Rodwell after examination of damaged parapets and buttresses above the south choir aisle said it was clear the spire fell south-eastwards.[6] About 2 m of the bottom of the central spire on the three western faces has original masonry which again suggests a south-eastern collapse. It supports the idea of the cannon ball being fired from the Dam Street direction and undermining the southeast arch (squinch) of the spire. This might have led to the nave roof to collapse, or more likely this roof was brought down in a separate bombardment.

     The Parliamentarians believed this would be the end of the siege, but to Brereton’s disappointment, it did not lead to surrender. Another captured soldier revealed the Close was not about to capitulate. Indeed, grenadoes continued to be lobbed into the Close with a mortar. When the Royalists were given terms of surrender, they replied excoriating the Parliamentarians for defacing the cathedral and making the besiegers into would-be martyrs. In fact, the siege lasted another two months, continuing even after Bridgnorth, Ludlow, Tutbury, Ashby, Worcester, Dudley and Oxford had fallen. It was only after a letter came from Charles I ordering surrender that 85 officers and 700 soldiers marched into Beacon Street and handed over their small arms (800 muskets and 100 cases of pistols) on 16th July. Also surrendering were 21 gentlemen, 4 clerks of which two were canons and 5 city magistrates. There would also have been wives and children. Altogether, it has been estimated 2-3000 cannon balls and 1500 grenadoes were used in the three sieges. On 21st July, the war in England ended and Parliament turned it into a National Day. In October, the new Parliament abolished the office of a bishop.[7]

Musket ball, minion, demi-culverin and fragment of a mortar grenado.

 [1] Added to this was the return of plague (in 1593-94 it had killed 1,100); in 1646, 821 died out of a population of 3000. In contrast the soldiers garrisoned in the Close were financially prepared and ready for another siege, see I. Atherton, 'Royalist finances in the English Civil War: The case of Lichfield Garrison, 1643-5. Midland History, (2008), 33, 1, 43-67.

[2] A plaque in Lichfield suggests the heavy cannon were hauled to the top of the mount by a train of horses.

[3] The wall in the north-west corner was blown apart in the second siege with a tunnel containing five barrels of gunpowder. A bombardment for five days with 60 barrels of gunpowder available might give some indication of the intensity of battle and extent of damage caused to the cathedral.

[4] Strangely, there are accounts with the spire falling in the first siege. See W. Gresley, The siege of Lichfield: A tale illustrative of the Great Rebellion. (London: 1840) and A. B. Clifton, The cathedral church of Lichfield. (London: 1900), George Bell and Sons. This is odd with Brereton describing the event in a letter detailing the third siege.

[5] J. Hewitt, ‘Lichfield Cathedral Close and its sieges’. Archaeological J. (1874), 31, 1, 327–336.

[6] W. Rodwell private letter dated 10 October 1987 titled ‘The high vaults of Lichfield Cathedral’ and deposited in the cathedral archive.

[7] Much of this post has been guided by H. Clayton, ‘Loyal and Ancient City. The Civil War in Lichfield’. (Lichfield, self-published: 1987).

Civil War damage and restoration.

 Lichfield Cathedral was said to be the most damaged of any cathedral in Britain. Carlisle and Durham also suffered much desecration. The damage done to the Cathedral alone was estimated at £14,000.[1] A survey of the cathedral in 1649 stated there was nothing of value. The whole fabric was exceedingly ruinated.[2] 

Damage to the cathedral by the end of 1646.

All wood, lead and iron had been stripped and taken. Browne Willis recorded 67 gravestones in the cathedral and all suffered in some way. There was not one piece of brass remaining. The middle spire had fallen, but surprisingly the west end towers and spires were intact.[3] Almost all the sculptured heads around the inside walls had either been knocked off or their noses removed.

Examples left after the restoration to show the wilful damage done to the sculptured heads.

 A survey in 1649 revealed extensive damage to property on the north side of the Close. At least 13 out of 34 houses in the Close were destroyed. The Bishop’s Palace was totally lost and completely looted. The deanery and library were ruined. Little remained of two canonical houses. Lead, iron and timber had been taken. The west gate and south gatehouse were badly damaged. Most of Beacon Street (over 50 houses)  and part of Dam Street was destroyed. They would have been timber framed, with wattle-and-daub walls and a thatched roof. The steeple of St Mary’s church was damaged together with the market cross. The chapel of St John’s hospital was badly damaged.

Three days after the surrender of the Close instructions were given to Sir William Brereton to demolish the walls around the close.[4] Walls and towers were reduced in height or removed completely and the heavily damaged gates with portcullis dismantled. The two gateways were allowed to remain. 

Remains of north-east tower after slighting.

      

South-east tower foundation.

In 1648, an order was passed in Parliament to sequester all the houses, rents, revenues, books, deeds and records belonging to the Dean and priests. Also, all money, pensions and revenues. A similar confiscation occurred at other churches in the diocese. In 1651, a proposal in Parliament was considered to demolish all the cathedrals and dispose of remnants for the use of the poor, but it was not passed. However, a troop of Parliamentarian soldiers arrived to strip off remaining lead from the roof. The twelve broken bells were taken away and sold. One was known as the ‘Jesus Bell’ and had been given by Dean Thomas Heywood in 1477. Why the demolition was ignored is unclear, perhaps the cost could not be met. The bishop’s palace at Eccleshall Castle had been given to Brereton.

A 1660 survey showed the Close was occupied by 111 or 112 squatters. Two squatters had set up a tobacco pipe making business. Six alehouses had appeared in the ruins of the Close.[5] A large number of widows and single women were recorded inhabiting the Close. Considerable looting from the remains of houses continued.

Throughout the Commonwealth, 1649–60, the cathedral and Close lay in ruins; the cathedral was described as a shell. Any worship, conforming to puritan rites, could only be held in the Chapter House. There were no stipends for clergy and many were dependent on charity.

Roundel in the presbytery floor showing a procession. It is said to represent the worship within the Chapter House at the beginning of the restoration.

Preparatory drawing of the roundel. 

     Soon after restoration of the king, Elias Ashmole told Charles II of the parlous state of the cathedral, June 1660. At this time an altar was set up in the Chapter House and regular worship began again. The arrival of Dean Paul in April 1661 marked the start of restoration of the cathedral and Close. When John Hacket, aged 69, was appointed bishop, two applicants having been turned down, a new determination to complete the restoration occurred. The authority of bishops was restored in 1662; and when Hacket arrived in the August there is a story (unverified) of him immediately starting to clear up. He raised £8000 from donors, and personally gave £3,500. The king allowed 100 or 200 tall trees[6] from his Royal Forest of Needwood to be felled for scaffolding and his brother gave money for a new west window. Christopher Wren was consulted and he possibly advised his friend Hacket in some ways (but the extent of his help is unknown) 

Hacket's reredos drawn by Wyatt. Reredos design has been attributed to Wren, but Dean Savage stated this was fiction. Remains of the woodwork were in the sacristy in 1813..

[7] In eight years, the cathedral was repaired; an impressive undertaking that must have used numerous masons and labourers.[8] The speed of rebuilding argues the masons were still familiar with medieval ways of construction.The Bishop led the re-consecration on December 24 1669. Hacket died the following year; it is said he died shortly after hearing the first ringing of a new bell. He gave six new bells in 1670s, which were then recast in 1688 with a peel of ten bells.

Bishop John Hacket the founder of a new cathedral.

Christopher Wren

Hacket window (1901) showing John Hacket at the table planning the restoration of the cathedral. The figure to his right is the Duke of York who gave money to restore the windows. Note the loss of the central spire, the lack of sculptures on the west front and the tall scaffolding.

 

A new bishop’s palace was built in 1687 and deanery in 1707. Ten new bells were ready by 1691. A statue of Charles II was placed high on the west front, but later replaced with that of Christ. Statues were once again added to the front[9], but the figures and appearance can only have been restored from memory. Around 1760, the cathedral library and an adjoining house were demolished, the ground of the cemetery was at the same time levelled and the tombstones were laid flat and some useless walls and gates were removed. The restored nave roof proved heavy and in 1788-1792 was replaced with a lighter weight wood and plaster roof covered in slate not lead.[10] In April 1800, the West Gate was pulled down to widen the road into the Close. Presbyterians were removed from the Corporation and Dissenters had difficulties worshipping in their way. The number of Catholics in the town increased and up to 1829 and Catholic Emancipation were dissidents. Many workers moved into the town from neighbouring rural areas and gradually the restored Cathedral and town began to prosper again. This time, however, the glory was not so much in its buildings, but in its residents. The revival came with local writers, poets, actors, scientists and clergy. The Age of Enlightenment was unfolding at Lichfield.

 

Lichfield’s 1950 coat of arms showing Chad with a Guild Master. Salve Magma Parens (Hail Great Mother) is Samuel Johnson’s exclamation for Lichfield. Lichfield shaped by priests, pilgrims, philosophers, privateers and Saint Chad.

 

The frontage of the bishop’s palace is 240 feet, the deanery is 120 feet and the frontage of the Canon’s house next door is 60 feet. This ranking post-Civil War rebuild is thought to resemble the pre-Civil War order. [11]

The Civil War in Staffordshire.

Appleby[12] has described the misery of people following the wars in Staffordshire. Between 1639 and 1652 hundreds of men left the County to fight in Ireland and Scotland as well as England. Well over half a million men, women and children are thought to have died in the wars. Afterwards, many families in Staffordshire depended on charity and war relief and this increasingly dwindled for maimed soldiers and war widows. This continued for decades and was particularly harsh for Royalist supporters who were still being called ‘enemies’ in the 1680s. Quarter session records also show widespread fraud involving pensioners and claims for relief funding.

---

[1] A. B. Clifton, The Cathedral Church of Lichfield. (London: 1900) George Bell and Sons.

[2] H. Clayton, Loyal and Ancient City. (Lichfield, self-published: 1987), 136.

[3] W. Rodwell, ‘Lichfield’s Cathedral west front’. (2008) 36–44, deposited in Cathedral archive. This cannot be reconciled with J. Britton, The history and antiquities of the See and cathedral church of Lichfield. (London: 1820) who claimed the front two spires were nearly demolished.

[4] Alongside the battlements of Eccleshall, Tutbury and Dudley.

[5] Brewhouses and malthouses also appeared in the ruins of Winchester Cathedral.

[6] Accounts vary. S. Shaw, The history and antiquities of Staffordshire, Vol. 1. (London: 1798), said a liberal donation of timber.

[7] He is said to have helped with the architecture for the new spire, but there is no evidence. There is a statue to Christopher Wren on the east end, so the Victorians believed he played some part. Wren has been blamed for filling in the bay arches in the choir to avoid cold draughts.

[8] C. Bodington, Lichfield Cathedral. (London: 1899) said the restoration proceeded with incredible expedition. For a full account of the damage and restoration see T. Cocke, 'Ruin and Restoration: Lichfield Cathedral in the Seventeenth Century', In J. Maddison, ed. XIII Medieval archaeology and architecture at Lichfield. Leeds: The British Archaeological Association, (1993), 109-114.

[9] The statues on the west front were supposedly restored, 1820–22, using Roman cement, but that gave them a grey appearance and not in keeping with the dark sandstone of the cathedral. The current statues were restored by Gilbert Scott from 1850s.

[10] The work of James Wyatt. At this time, he also blanked off more bays in the presbytery with plaster.

[11] J. Britton, The history and antiquities of the See and Cathedral Church of Lichfield. (London: 1820), 25, stated, “the bishop's dwelling stands in the eastern corner of the north side (of the Close), and contains in length three hundred and twenty feet, and in breadth one hundred and sixty feet. The dean's habitation, adjoining the bishop's, contains half the dimensions of the former in length and breadth. The dwellings of the canons, built round the monastery, each contain half the dimensions of that of the dean.”

[12] D. J. Appleby, ‘Members of one another’s miseries: The culture and politics of war relief in seventeenth-century Staffordshire’, in Collections for a history of Staffordshire, fourth series. Staffordshire Record Society. (2022), 175–190.