Summary. The cathedral history has been warped by plausible assertions made without empirical evidence, and then repetition has made them accepted. Ten are exposed.
1. The earliest churches were built on St Michael’s hill.
Diuma, the first Bishop of Mercia
died in c. 658 and the next priest (he might not have been made bishop),
Coellach, lasted a few months before being removed by King Wulfhere. The next
two bishops were more favourable to the Mercian people and it is presumed they
now had a church within the Lichfield (Licetfelda) area, but where?
Sculptures of the first four bishops around the northwest
entrance door. From the left, Diuma who was Irish, Coellach who was Irish or
Scottish and is without a mitre and staff suggesting he was never formally
installed, Trumhere who was English and from Ingethling (Gilling)[1]
monastery, near Richmond, Yorkshire, and Jaruman, possibly Irish, who,
according to the Victorian sculptors, holds the first church with a date around
666. All four bishops were acquainted with the monasteries at Lindisfarne and
Iona.
Savage posed the question, ‘Why did Jaruman (this
should be Trumhere the third Bishop of Mercia) build his church in Lichfield’
and then speculated the location as being on St Michael’s hill.[2]
He cited a copy of an anonymous manuscript held in the cathedral archive (its
provenance is unclear) called, ‘History of the church of Lichfield’ and dated
1575.[3]
This told the legend of Romans (Savage stated it could have been the heathen
Angles) slaying a thousand Christians and burying them in what is now St
Michael’s churchyard. The cemetery was said to have been consecrated by
Augustine, ‘The Apostle of the English’. Savage added it was ‘the tribal
burying ground of the Mercians’. Evidence of an Early Medieval crouched burial was
revealed when excavations were made for a new vestry for the church in 1978,
suggesting an earlier history to the site.[4]
Gould and Gould[5]
wrote cautiously, perhaps it had early medieval origins. This tentatively points
to a Roman/Early Medieval cemetery and presumably a church on the wooded hill
and fits with the idea of the first churches being constructed of timber and on
high, prominent ground.[6]
If true, why did the church for
Chad move across the marshy, wooded area, now Lichfield town centre, to the
hillock on which now stands the cathedral? Two reasons are presented; firstly,
it was nearer the stream or river for baptism and sanitation and secondly, it
was on a flat Mercian sandstone outcrop lined east to west in which stone was
readily available. Also, nearby clay from the stream bank could be used to mix
with the clay, dry in the sun, and construct walls. It might also be that King
Wulfhere and Bishop Wilfrid knew this site was spiritually untainted, unlike
the Anglo-Saxon pagan burial ground.[7]
It was superior topographically, practically and spiritually.
Two beads held in the hand of a young woman buried in the 6th or 7th-century and discovered in the choir area suggesting there was an early cemetery on the cathedral site.
2. It was King Oswiu of Northumbria who founded the site for a church at Lichfield.
Before
the 20th-century, it was accepted Oswy (now Oswiu), King of Northumberland (now
Northumbria), about the year 656, having conquered and put to death Penda, King
of the Mercians, converted his kingdom to Christianity, and established a
bishopric in this place. Here he built a church, which was dedicated to St.
Peter and St. Mary, and appointed Dwina (now Diuma), a Scotsman (now an
Irishman), the first prelate of Mercia.[8]
This myth was so embedded it was written in Latin under the west window of the
cathedral from the mid-17th century. Translated it stated, “Oswy is the
founder, but the repairer was Offa. The fame of these Kings will be immortal.
King Stephen, King Henry, Richard I and King John bestowed many gifts.”[9]
Statue of King Oswiu on the arch above the northwest door. He is holding treasure which could be for the churches he is said to have founded.
AI rendition of King Oswiu
Oswiu was the king of Northumbria, including Yorkshire. King Penda of Mercia attacked and pillaged Northumbria, but on his return died, 654, possibly by drowning in a swollen Yorkshire River according to Bede.[10] Stephen of Ripon in his biography of Bishop Wilfrid of Ripon described how the church at Lichfield (Licitfelda) was founded, and it does not include Oswiu. Bede does include Oswiu, but King Wulfhere and Archbishop Theodore were the chief instigators of the new church. Why would Oswiu commemorate the death of an enemy and then build a church at the centre of a huge, new diocese far from (400 miles) his northern diocese? He appointed the first bishop of Mercia, but there is no indication where Diuma had his mother church. Neither is there any evidence Kings Stephen, Henry I and II, Richard I and John did anything for the cathedral, except possibly paid for a chantry. The Victorians preferred a story of a pioneering Christian king, known to Iona and Lindisfarne, who brought Christianity to the Mercian people and then killed a pagan. Better than Christianity brought by a missionary bishop invited by a new Christian Mercian king. The remarkable feature of this myth is the way the first cathedral was founded, 667-669, is clearly laid out in two reliable books, Bishop Wilfrid’s biography (712-13) and Bede’s book on English history (731) and both were ignored.
3. Bishop Headda built the first church in the year 700.
Little
is known about Bishop Headda of Lichfield, c. 691 x 716–27. His length
of episcopacy is uncertain and so is his origin. He had a close relationship
with Bishop Wilfrid of Mercia, bishop of the Middle Angles, and it has been
suggested it was Wilfrid who consecrated Headda.[11]
This relationship, senior Wilfrid and minor Headda, continued and lasted for
eleven years, between 691/2 to 703.[12]
Strangely, Bede never mentioned Headda or his relationship with Wilfrid. The spurious date of 700[13]
is known from the 14th century and a text that is wholly unreliable. The text
was in the Chronicon Lichfeldense, since lost, but copied in Warton’s, Anglia
Sacra. Originally it was titled ‘The book of Alan de Assheborn, Vicar of
Lichfield’ and dated in 1320s. Alan of Ashbourne wrote a
tangled history full of fabled beliefs from c.1323 until his death in
1334.
Page 428 of Wharton’s Anglia Sacra. The translation is, ‘By this Bishop Hedda the church of Lichfield was built on the 2nd of January, 700, and the bones of Bishop Cedda (Chad) were transferred to the same.’
Unfortunately, this claim was repeated as
an authoritative statement in the Victoria County History, 1970, “The first
church definitely known to have stood on the site of the present cathedral was
that built by Bishop Headda and consecrated in December 700.”[14]
Bede said the grave of Chad was by the
church of St Mary and on the site of the church of St Peter.[15]
Why 28 years later in 700 would another church be built? In Wharton’s Anglia
Sacra it is stated a ‘cathedral church’ was built in Lichesfelden and
consecrated by Ceadda, page 426. If the church built in 700 is taken to be a
cathedral church, where did bishops Chad, 669–672, Winfrith, 672–c. 674
and Seaxwulf, c. 676–c. 691, have their church, as well as Headda
in his early years of being a bishop? It is feasible the church built in
the year 700 was in fact the shrine tower discovered in 2003 for housing Chad’s
grave. The year 700 is 28 years after Chad’s burial and sufficient time for his
bones to be recovered and placed in a reliquary shrine. A shrine tower, 7m x
7m, containing one grave is not, in today’s understanding a church, but it
might have been in the 14th-century. This myth or misunderstanding still
ignores the existence of the main church called St. Peter.
Headda with his supposed new church. The church resembles the early medieval church at Escomb, County Durham. The small statue in the north presbytery aisle demonstrates the myth clung by the Victorians.
4. The cathedral was built cross-shaped for biblical symbolism. Its three spires represent the Trinity. The cathedral lies east-west and points to Jerusalem. The cathedral is straight.
The
shape of the cathedral is a Greek cross (+) with small side arms, not the shape
of a tau cross (T). This is because all four arms are buttresses for the
massive central tower; it is an architectural necessity. The central spire is
the tallest (78.65 m), the bell tower spire in the southwest corner is next in
height (60 m) and the spire on the northwest tower is the lowest (59 m). This
could be the trinity, but different heights provide a ranking which would be
heresy. Three spires might also be because there were three towers, and other
cathedrals had three towers, and some had spires; there was no fixed rule for
cathedrals. The cathedral was built at the same time as the cathedrals of Wells
and Salisbury and the Minster at York. All had three towers, though their spires
varied.
The cathedral is also out-of-line
on an east-west axis. Robert Plot stated the cathedral declined by 27 degrees
from the true points.[16]
He gave several curious theories why churches should face due east and why
there was a declination.[17]
Misalignment of the cathedral
Many think all churches face
directly east, but many do not, especially where space is restricted; their
orientation accords with the surroundings. Savage thought the strongly marked
ancient boundary could not have been enlarged and this restriction of space effectually
barred any rebuilding of the cathedral on a much larger scale.[18]
He also noted the cathedral was built with ‘a marked swerve northward,’ and
claimed this was caused by the line of rock on which the foundations were laid.[19]
The
commonest explanation given is the builders had to follow the line of the
bedrock,[20]
but this is
conjecture. The building was subjected to the
whims of kings, master-masons and architectural constraints and each added
different ideas.[21]
Lichfield, like other cathedrals, is not perfect.
There
is no evidence cathedrals and churches were orientated to face the point where
the sun arose on the feast day of the patronal figure, in Lichfield’s case
March 2 the death day of Chad. Benson thought it was in line of sunrise on St
Peter’s Day, 1 August, in the 12th-century. Neither was it the case of facing
when the sun rose on an equinox or a solstice day. There is no way the
cathedral could have been satisfactorily aligned to face Jerusalem. However,
east was held to be where earthly paradise lies; Jesus was believed to have
ascended into heaven east of where the disciples were standing.[22]
Christians are buried facing eastwards, so to arise before Christ when he comes
again. Consequently, the high altar is at the east end and that is where the
daily and weekly services were held from early times. In the current cathedral
mass was celebrated at the high altar which meant public worshippers would only
hear it behind the pulpitum or choir screen. There is no evidence of an
altar on the west, nave side of the pulpitum. This was the arrangement until
the Victorian restoration of the cathedral starting in the 1850s.
There
are many graves in the Close which are not strictly facing east. Many are
graves of soldiers killed in the three Civil War sieges and appear to be laid
in the ground in a careless way.
Another kink in the north presbytery aisle. Some have speculated there was once a passageway or room attached to this north wall and its demolition left a kink in the wall.
5. The cathedral was built in a Norman Gothic style
Soaring
pinnacles, pointed arches, heavy, thick walls pierced by large
open windows and arcades, flying buttresses, elaborate vaulted, stone roofs and
windows subdivided by closely spaced parallel mullions (narrow vertical bars of
stone) are some of the features associated with the Gothic fashion of
architecture. Many have described it as Norman but they are wrong. Much of this
architecture was inspired by Islamic architecture of the Middle East. It was
borrowed by French stonemasons in the Ile de France, centred on Paris, from
around 1130 to 1170.[23] It did not originate in Normandy with Norman
stonemasons. When it crossed the channel, it was known as ‘French work’ and
never labelled Gothic until the 19th century and the Gothic revival in
architecture around 1860.[24]
There are Norman cathedrals with round arches, small windows and very little in
the form of pinnacles and pointed stonework, see Rochester Cathedral. There are
many Early Medieval Churches with round, arched front doors. There was a
transitional period in the 12th-century with much crossover of styles. Indeed,
much of the Gothic architecture was completed in the neo-Gothic revival by the
Victorians and this is typified by Lichfield, Wells and Salisbury cathedrals.
Lichfield Cathedral was built from the early 13th-century (perhaps a start date of 1220) by Plantagenets, 1154‑1485, and postdated the Norman era by at least 50 years. There is no verifiable Norman stonework in Lichfield Cathedral. Misleading labelling originated from Thomas Rickman, 1776‑1841, who wrote a handbook[25] for clergy to help them to understand the ‘English Style’. He sub-divided it into Early English, Decorated English and Perpendicular English architecture. He then added an earlier fourth style following the Norman conquest, described it as Romanesque and called it Norman rather than English.[26] Coming after the long isolation of England during the French Revolution and Napoleonic wars the name gave it a patriotic base, and has been difficult to change. [27]
6. The Lindisfarne Gospels are earlier and superior to the Chad Gospels
If
you prefer Gospels that are colourful, have elaborate gold and silver artwork
and are complete, then the Lindisfarne Gospels are the best. The Chad Gospels
are incomplete having lost John and much of Luke, the artwork is simpler on
eight surviving pages with no gold or silverwork (it might have been present
originally but lost with use of the book), and handwriting differences indicating
at least four scribes were involved. The Gospels contain excellent Chi-Rho and
carpet pages, display interesting marginalia, have some text in runic-like form
and have diminuendo for every one of the 20 lines on each of its 236 pages.
Artwork is in pastel tones and replete with symbolic references. The two
Gospels could not be more different, yet they have affinities.
Gospels
written in different scriptoria are bound to differ and, of course, all are
wonderful. The surprising aspect is the two gospels are similar in several
ways. They were commissioned for Cuthbert and Chad. Both suffered an exodus
away from the Viking onslaught. The layout of the carpet page is strikingly
similar with the Lindisfarne having cormorant birds and the Chad crane-like
birds. Similar styles with the carpet page, three incipit pages and
the Chi-rho page with the equivalent in the Lindisfarne Gospels led Brown[28]
to write the artist must have studied the Lindisfarne book at first hand. It is
better to see the two Gospels as comparable and written in the two powerful
kingdoms of the 8th-century. Context suggests that the Chad Gospels are the
earliest; Chad died in 672, Cuthbert in 687. The Lindisfarne Gospels were not
finalised until 715-721. Dating Gospels is not precise, but the simplicity of
Chad’s Gospels compared with the intricacy of the Lindisfarne Gospels might be
an indicator of its earlier provenance.
There
is another significant consideration to explain why Chad’s Gospels are minimal
compared to the Lindisfarne Gospels. St Jerome, c. 342 or 47-420,
was an early priest known for his teachings on having a Christian moral life.
He was appalled at the lavish texts wealthy Roman patrons wanted and wrote,
‘parchments are dyed purple, gold is melted into lettering, manuscripts are
decked with jewels, while Christ lies at the door naked and dying.’ He loved
his ‘poor pages and copies which are less remarkable for beauty than for
accuracy.’ The Gospels are a more-or-less copy of St Jerome’s Vulgate Bible.
Were they deliberately kept minimal with pastel tones and few colours to keep
in with Jerome’s mores? Are they also in keeping with Chad’s ascetism?
7. The Gospels were removed by the Dean during the Civil War and were stored in London.
AI generated image of William Higgins 1646 holding the returned St Chad's Gospels.
8. Visitors have always been welcomed in the cathedral.
When Bishop Walter de Langton built in 1299 a castellated wall around The Close with two entrances dominated by towers and massive oak doors visiting the cathedral was controlled. Knowing when during the day worship was being undertaken would have been difficult. Pilgrims, penitents and those seeking a cure would cross the Minster Pool by ferry, enter the southern door and be under supervision. If the chambers on the south side of the Lady Chapel were occupied by anchorite priests, then entry to the cathedral at the southeast end was limited. Baptism was by the door only and weddings and funerals were stewarded. When the choir and presbytery were screened off and isolated by Wyatt’s restoration in 1780s visitors could enter the nave but know little of what was happening in the dark, central church. Entry to the stalls was regulated. Casual visiting of the cathedral was not possible until the 1860s and the Gothic Revival. Even then the times of opening were regulated. Free and casual visiting is a twentieth-century privilege.
9. The current rite of worship (Sunday, 10.30am) is centuries old.
The authority of the Church of England
is thought by many to be embedded in a very long tradition which grew from an
ancient time. Consequently, the way of worship within the cathedral is supposed
to have long roots from the far past. In fact, much of the ritual is no more
than two centuries old and is essentially Victorian.
Following
restoration from the Civil War, 1640s, most Anglicans agreed on the authority
of the English Church, but there was a rapidly growing number of Dissenting
Churches. By the 1820s to 30s internal
divisions were giving three distinct, even sharply different, approaches to
Christian belief and worship, namely Evangelical, Anglo-Catholic and Liberal
interpretations. In response to this division High Anglo-Catholic Churchmen
began to resist further reform. A small group based in Oxford between the years
1833 and 1845 led a campaign, known as the Oxford Movement, to return to the
theology and practice lost since reformation times, 1530s.[29]
Their philosophy was called Tractarianism after a series of publications
called ‘Tracts for the Times’ published from 1833 to 1841. This involved
neo-Gothic aesthetics,[30]
revived colourful ceremony and intense sacramentalism. Essentially, it was the
doctrine of the church standing alone with its own authority and having its own
traditional practices unfettered by actions from the state. This doctrine
derived from the idea priests connected in time to the Apostles by ordination
through the laying on of hands known as ‘Apostolic Succession’. It meant the
ordained ministry could not be beholden to civil or State authority. By 1845,
the movement conflicted with the bishops and it splintered into factions
leading some to join the Catholic Church. However, many Anglican priests were
strongly asserting a doctrine of real presence and of eucharistic sacrifice.
The eucharist was only valid when celebrated by a priest or bishop.[31]
For some Tractarians, life was in anticipation of death and judgment.[32]
Penance was important.
Tractarianism
is thought by some to have led to Ritualism and Ceremony. The church service
now adopted frequent procession, colourful dress, use of incense and above all
the centrality of the eucharist in worship. Choral music in cathedrals and
church bands in smaller churches became an intrinsic part of a service.
Coloured altar frontals, candles on the altar and choristers in surplices
appeared. A credence table with the chalices and receptacles of communion stood
alongside the altar. The host, now wafer bread, was raised above the head in a
prayer of consecration. The wine was mixed with water. A modern Anglo-Catholic
liturgy and worship became widely accepted, especially in cathedrals.
This
High Church Revival spurred new relations with the Catholic and Eastern
Orthodox churches, inspired artists, poets, writers and musicians,[33]
and new neo-Gothic architecture became the fashion with G. Gilbert Scott, his
sons George and John and grandson Giles prominent especially at Lichfield. The
connection between the Oxford Movement, Ritualism and neo-Gothic architecture
was obvious.[34]
This Victorian movement is the background to current worship in the cathedral,
but most, not all (such as saying the creed and some responses), is relatively
recent.
A further change resulted from the first World War. A new cult of sacrificial death entered into churches. Language formerly restricted to Christian martyrs and Christ was extended to include ordinary people killed in the war. Loss was glorious, death for King and country was the highest sacrifice and all for the pursuit of peace. Demand for prayers for the dead was an annual event. Memorialisation took several forms. For veterans church became important.[35]
10. Lichfield cathedral was a forgotten cathedral.
A
recent archaeological account in a national journal described the cathedral as
‘forgotten.’[36]
It is true the Normans marginalised the cathedral and removed the bishop to
first Chester and later Coventry. Furthermore, up to Reformation the cathedral
was secondary in many ways to the larger monastic Coventry Cathedral. Then the
cathedral Close became the centre of three ferocious sieges, 1643-1646, and
could not at this time be described as forgotten. Between the Civil War
destruction and the Victorian restoration, 1850s onwards, the cathedral was
only an inner church in an outer, drab, much repaired frame of a building.
Visitors to the nave would see a screened off choir, presbytery and altar, and
hear a muffled sound of worship by clergy and known laypeople. However, describing
the cathedral as forgotten is perverse because throughout these travails it
remained a major centre for pilgrimage. Its origin, survival and Victorian
recovery have depended on pilgrimage. For 12 centuries it has been firstly a
major local and later a national pilgrimage centre with the relics and cult of
Chad.[37]
It has also had national importance in being the ecclesiastical centre of King
Offa’s large kingdom and has also received the rich refurbishment from Bishop
Walter de Langton including, perhaps, the greatest saint’s shrine and best Lady
Chapel in the country. Ownership of the Chad’s Gospels gives significance and
now the finding of the (Lichfield) Staffordshire Hoard adds to its importance.
The Lichfield Angel is the best kept early medieval stonework in Europe. Lichfield
cathedral has been a place for mixed fortunes, but never forgotten.
[1]
Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum. J. McClure and R. Collins,
The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, (Oxford: 2008) 132.
[2] H.
E. Savage, The church heritage at Lichfield, St Chad’s Day address 1914.
Unpub. Article held in the cathedral library, 3. J. Britton, The history and
antiquities of the See and Cathedral Church of Lichfield. (London: 1820),
24, referred to William Dugdale knowing of a document that claimed Jaruman had
a church in the Close in 666.
[3] It
is difficult to know the origin of this reference. It is said to be a copy made
by Canon Whitlock made in 1569 of a previous lost ‘Chronicle’ manuscript. It is
likely the story was taken from the ‘Book of Alan of Ashbourne, Vicar of
Lichfield’ written in the 1320s, which has been lost, but a copy was made by
Canon Thomas Chesterfield, mid-15th century and then repeated by H. Wharton, Anglia
Sacra, (London: 1691). The manuscripts are in the British Museum and
Bodleian Library, Oxford.
[4] P.
R. Wilson, ‘V investigations in St. Michael's and St. Mary's churches,
Lichfield’ Trans, South Staffs. Archaeological and Historical Society for
1980-81. (1982), 22, 71.
[5] J.
Gould and D. Gould, ‘St Michael’s churchyard, Lichfield’, Trans, South
Staffs. Archaeological and Historical Society, (1975), 16, 58‑61.
[6]
William of Malmesbury wrote, ‘Lichfield was a tiny village in the midst of a
woody district on the banks of a brook’, William of Malmesbury’s ‘De Gesta
Pontificum Anglorum’, written early in the 12th century (Hamilton 1870, 307).
[7]
See the post, ‘Why Licitfelda was approved.’
[8] T.
Harwood, The history and antiquities of the
church and city of Lichfield, (London:
1806), 3.
[9] J.
Jackson, History of the City and Cathedral of
Lichfield. (London: 1805). 110. “Oswyus
est Lichfield Fundator, sed Reparator Offa fuit, Regum Fama perennis erit : Rex
Stephanus, Rex Henricus, primusque Richardus, Rex et Johannes, plurima dona
dabant.”
[10]
Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, (731), Book 3
Chapter 24.
[11] M. Capper, ‘Prelates and
politics: Wilfrid, Oundle and the Middle Angles’. Wilfrid Abbot, Bishop,
Saint. Papers from the 1300th Anniversary Conference, ed. N. J.
Higham. (Donington, 2013), 262.
[12]
M. Capper, ‘Prelates and politics: Wilfrid, Oundle and the Middle Angles’. Wilfrid
Abbot, Bishop, Saint. Papers from the 1300th Anniversary Conference, ed.
N. J. Higham. (Donington, 2013), 262.
[13]
This dating appeared in the ‘Lichfield Chronicle,’ British Library MS Cotton
Cleopatra D IX. It was later published in H. Wharton, Anglia Sacra, Volume
1. (London, 1691), 428. The source and detail for this date, January 700,
and construction of a church are unknown. Sargent suggested St Peter’s church
can be plausibly connected with a church built by Bishop Headda, see A.
Sargent, Lichfield and the Lands of St Chad: creating community in Early
Medieval Mercia (Hatfield: 2020), 53. If so, the church could have been
built from the start of Headda’s episcopate, namely 691 onwards.
[14]
M. W. Greenslade and R. B. Pugh, House of secular canons - Lichfield
cathedral: To the Reformation, A History of the County of Stafford: Volume
3. Originally published by Victoria County History, London, 1970, 140‑166.
[15]
See the post, ‘A sacred landscape.’
[16]
R. Plot, The Natural History of
Staffordshire, (Oxford: 1686), 362–9.
Plot found the deviation when taking a compass to the ‘battlements of the
middle steeple.’ He justified the east as being significant by citing various
events from the Bible, mostly Old Testament. He believed the church should have
faced the equinox rise of the sun, but had a blemish, p367. He thought Bishop
Roger Clinton was to blame. He concluded the declination from the precise east
was not essential for devotion, p368. Other churches not precisely facing
eastwards were mentioned, p369.
[17]
Remarked on by R. Willis, ‘On foundations of
early buildings recently discovered in Lichfield Cathedral’, The
Archaeological Journal, (1861), 18, 3.
[18]
H. E. Savage, The fourteenth century builders, Unpub. article in the
cathedral library, (1916), 18.
[19]
Ibid, 20
[20]
A. Clifton-Taylor, The Cathedrals of England’, (London and New York:
1967 and 1986), 191, wrote ‘Lichfield Cathedral is built on a bed of sandstone
which veers to the northeast.’
[21]
See the post, ‘Building the cathedral.’
[22]
N. Orme, Going to Church in Medieval England, (Yale: 2021), 93.
[23]
Strangely, not in Scotland or Wales. Perhaps, the greatest example was the
royal chapel of Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. There were rivals in other parts of
Europe; the cathedrals of Burgos and Toledo in Spain, the cathedral of
Strasbourg near the French border with Germany and the cathedral of Cologne
when it was finally completed.
[24]
See the post ‘Gothic Cathedral’.
[25]
T. Rickman, (1819) Attempt to discriminate the styles of English
Architecture. (Cambridge: 2014).
[26]
M. J. Lewis, The Gothic Revival, (London: 2002), 48.
[27]
Ibid. 49.
[28]
M. P. Brown, ‘The Lichfield/Llandeilo Gospels reinterpreted’. In R. Kennedy and
S. Meecham-Jones (eds) Authority and Subjugation in writing of Medieval
Wales. (New York: 2008), 57–70.
[29]
Ibid. 239. The movement included John Henry Newman, John Keble, Edward Pusey
and Richard Hurrell Froude.
[30]
See the post ‘Gothic Cathedral’.
[31]
Ibid. 241. With great emphasis on the eucharist came new forms of clerical
dress including a white collar, black cassock, coloured vestments and a revived
practice of personal confession and sacramental absolution.
[32]
Ibid 246.
[33]
Ibid. 255.
[34]
M. J. Lewis. The Gothic Revival. (London: 2002).
[35]
J. Morris, A People’s Church. A history of the Church of England.
(London: 2022), 340.
[36]
W. Rodwell, The forgotten cathedral. Current
Archaeology, (2006), Vol. XVIII No. 1(205), 9--17.
[37]
See the post, ‘Pilgrimage defines the cathedral’.