Civil War damage and restoration.

Summary. After three sieges, including heavy bombardment, the cathedral was looted and badly damaged. Cromwell wanted it demolished. The bishop’s palace and many houses in the Close were ruinated. During the Commonwealth, 1649–60, the Close was inhabited by squatters plying various trades. When Charles II became king, he supported the rebuild of the cathedral and a new dean, bishop and others oversaw the work. The frame of the cathedral was repaired in eight years, however, much of the interior would take many decades to restore.

 Lichfield Cathedral was said to be the most damaged cathedral resulting from the Civil War; Carlisle and Durham also suffered desecration. A survey[1]  of the cathedral in 1649 found there was nothing left of value; the whole fabric was ruinated.[2] The cost for restoration was estimated at £14,000.¹ 

Damage to the cathedral by the end of 1646.

All wood, lead and iron had been stripped and taken. There was not one piece of brass remaining. Browne Willis recorded 67 gravestones in the cathedral and all had suffered in some way. The middle spire had fallen, but surprisingly the west end towers and spires were largely intact.[3] Almost all the sculptured heads around the inside walls had either been knocked off or their noses removed.

Examples left after the restoration to show the wilful damage done to the sculptured heads.

 There was extensive damage to property on the north side of the Close with two houses and the library ruined. At least 13 out of 34 houses in the Close were destroyed. The Bishop’s Palace was looted and totally lost. Little remained of two canonical houses. The west gate and the southeast gatehouse were badly damaged.

 

Reconstructed view of the southeast postern gate. There is a reference to the wall east of the gate being breeched. The gate and towers must have been badly damaged.

 

Much of Beacon Street, with over 50 houses, and part of Dam Street had been destroyed. Houses would have been timber framed, with wattle-and-daub walls and a thatched roof and most had been set on fire. The steeple of St Mary’s church was damaged together with the market cross. The chapel of St John’s hospital was badly damaged.

Three days after the surrender of the Close, instructions were given to Sir William Brereton to demolish the walls around the close.[4] Walls and towers were reduced in height or removed completely and the heavily damaged gates with portcullis were dismantled. The two gateways were allowed to remain open. 

Remains of north-east tower after slighting.

Remains of north-east tower after slighting.

South-east tower foundation.

 

In 1648, an order was passed in Parliament to sequester all the houses, rents, revenues, books, deeds and records belonging to the Dean and priests. Also, all money, pensions and revenues. A similar confiscation occurred with other churches in the diocese. In 1651, a proposal in Parliament to demolish all cathedrals and dispose of the materials to help the poor was not passed. However, a troop of Parliamentarian soldiers arrived to strip off remaining lead from the roof. The twelve broken bells were taken away and sold. One was known as the ‘Jesus Bell’ and had been given by Dean Thomas Heywood in 1477. Another order was passed in 1653 to complete the demolition of the cathedral, but never followed. Why the demolition was ignored is unclear, perhaps the cost could not be met. The bishop’s palace at Eccleshall Castle was given to William Brereton.

A 1660 survey showed the Close was occupied by 112 squatters. Two squatters had set up a tobacco pipe making business. Six alehouses had appeared in the ruins of the Close.[5] A large number of widows and single women were recorded inhabiting the Close. Looting continued.

Throughout the Commonwealth, 1649–60, the cathedral and Close lay in ruins and any worship, now having to conform to puritan rites, could only be held in the Chapter House, thought to still have an intact roof. There were no stipends for clergy and many were dependent on charity.

Roundel in the presbytery floor showing a procession. It is said to represent the worship within the Chapter House at the beginning of the restoration.

    

    Preparatory drawing of the roundel.

 

Soon after restoration of the king, Elias Ashmole told Charles II[6] of the parlous state of the cathedral, June 1660. At this time an altar was set up in the Chapter House and regular worship began again. The arrival of Dean Paul in April 1661 and together with precentor William Higgins marked the start of restoration of the cathedral and Close. When John Hacket, aged 69, was appointed bishop, two applicants having been turned down, a new determination to complete the restoration occurred.[7] The authority of bishops was restored in 1662; and when Hacket arrived in August there is a story of him immediately starting to clear up. He raised £8,000 from donors, and personally gave £3,500.[8] The king allowed 100 or 200 tall trees[9] from his Royal Forest of Needwood to be felled for scaffolding and his brother gave money for a new west window. Christopher Wren was consulted and he must have advised Hacket.[10]

Christopher Wren’s statue on the east side of the cathedral.

 

Hacket's reredos drawn by Wyatt. Reredos design has been attributed to Wren, but Dean Savage stated this was fiction. Remains of the woodwork were in the sacristy in 1813.[11]

 

In eight years, the frame of the cathedral was repaired; an impressive undertaking that must have used numerous masons and labourers.[12] The Bishop led the re-consecration on December 24 1669. Hacket died the following year; it is said he died shortly after hearing the first ringing of a new bell. He gave money for six new bells in 1670s, which were then recast in 1688 with a peel of ten bells.

Bishop John Hacket the founder of a new cathedral.

 

   Effigy of John Hacket.

 

Hacket window showing John Hacket at the table planning the restoration of the cathedral. The figure to his right is the Duke of York who gave money to restore the windows. Note the loss of the central spire, the lack of sculptures on the west front and the tall scaffolding.

 

A new bishop’s palace was built in 1687 and deanery in 1707. The frontage of the bishop’s palace is 240 feet, the deanery is 120 feet and the frontage of the Canon’s house next door is 60 feet. This ranking of size post-Civil War rebuild is thought to have resembled the pre-Civil War order in size.[13] Ten new bells were ready by 1691. A statue of Charles II was placed high on the west front, but later replaced with that of Christ. Statues were once again added to the front[14], but the figures and appearance can only have been restored from memory. Around 1760, the cathedral library and an adjoining house were demolished, the ground of the cemetery was at the same time levelled and the tombstones were laid flat and some useless walls and gates were removed. The restored nave roof proved heavy and between 1788 and 1792 was replaced with a lighter weight wood and plaster roof covered in slate not lead.[15] In April 1800, the West Gate was pulled down to widen the road into the Close.

In 1676, there were only 1,949 Catholics and 5,042 non-conformists to 155,720 Anglicans in the diocese. Presbyterians were removed from the Corporation and Dissenters had difficulties worshipping in their preferred way. In time the number of Catholics in the town increased. Many workers moved into the town from neighbouring rural areas and the restored cathedral and town began to prosper again. This time, however, the glory was not so much in its buildings, but in its residents. The revival came with local writers, poets, actors, scientists, and clergy; ‘The Age of Enlightenment’ began to unfold at Lichfield.

 

Lichfield’s 1950 coat of arms showing Chad with a Guild Master. Salve Magma Parens (Hail Great Mother) is Samuel Johnson’s exclamation for Lichfield. Lichfield shaped by priests, pilgrims, philosophers, privateers and Saint Chad.

         

 

The Civil War in Staffordshire.

Appleby[16] has described the misery of people following the wars in Staffordshire. Between 1639 and 1652, hundreds of men left the County to fight in Ireland and Scotland as well as England. Well over half a million men, women and children are thought to have died in the wars. Afterwards, many families in Staffordshire depended on charity and war relief and this increasingly dwindled for maimed soldiers and war widows. This continued for decades and was particularly harsh for Royalist supporters who were still being called ‘enemies’ in the 1680s. Quarter session records also show widespread fraud involving pensioners and claims for relief funding.

 

Postscript on the post-Civil War restoration of the cathedral.

Between the Civil War reparation, c, 1670, and the Victorian Gothic restoration, 1854-1898, the inside of the cathedral could be described as bland and even uninspiring. The work of Wyatt, see the post ‘James Wyatt's restoration, 1787-92’, was criticised because he preferred simplicity, destroying chapels, tombs and rood screens in the name of architectural purification. It was an ordered, working church, but no longer awesome to visitors. Practical for worship but not a place to remember. Between 1680 and 1840, numbers recorded at Easter in a Church of England dropped by one fifth with increasing numbers of nominal Anglicans ceasing to attend a church.[17]

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[1] A. B. Clifton, The Cathedral Church of Lichfield. (London: 1900) George Bell and Sons. £14000 today would be around £2.5million.

[2] H. Clayton, Loyal and Ancient City. (Lichfield, self-published: 1987), 136.

[3] W. Rodwell, ‘Lichfield’s Cathedral west front’. (2008) 36–44, deposited in Cathedral archive. This cannot be reconciled with J. Britton, The history and antiquities of the See and cathedral church of Lichfield. (London: 1820) who claimed the front two spires were nearly demolished.

[4] Alongside the battlements of Eccleshall, Tutbury and Dudley.

[5] Brewhouses and malthouses also appeared in the ruins of Winchester Cathedral.

[6] Charles II (1660-1685) was not particularly religious but as far as he had any religion he secretly leaned towards Roman Catholicism.

[7] See the post, ‘Higgins and Hacket, rebuilders’.

[8] Clifton (1900), see note 1, recorded, “the bishop was so energetic that he was able to collect in the surrounding country about £8000, and so generous that he subscribed himself a sum of £1683, 12s.”

[9] Accounts vary. S. Shaw, The history and antiquities of Staffordshire, Vol. 1. (London: 1798), said a liberal donation of timber. T. Harwood, The history and antiquities of the church and City of Lichfield,  (London: 1806), 65, stated 100 trees from Needwood Forest.

[10] He is said to have helped with the architecture for the new spire, but there is no evidence. There is a statue to Christopher Wren on the east end, so the Victorians believed he played some part. Wren has been blamed for filling in the bay arches in the choir to avoid cold draughts.

[11] G. Cobb, English Cathedrals. The forgotten centuries. Restoration and change from 1530 to the present day. (London: 1980), 144–5.

[12] C. Bodington, Lichfield Cathedral. (London: 1899) said the restoration proceeded with incredible expedition.

[13] J. Britton, The history and antiquities of the See and Cathedral Church of Lichfield. (London: 1820), 25, stated, “the bishop's dwelling stands in the eastern corner of the north side (of the Close), and contains in length three hundred and twenty feet, and in breadth one hundred and sixty feet. The dean's habitation, adjoining the bishop's, contains half the dimensions of the former in length and breadth. The dwellings of the canons, built round the monastery, each contain half the dimensions of that of the dean.”

[14] The statues on the west front were supposedly restored, 1820–22, using Roman cement, but that gave them a grey appearance and not in keeping with the dark sandstone of the cathedral. The current statues were restored by Gilbert Scott from 1850s.

[15] The work of James Wyatt. At this time, he also blanked off more bays in the presbytery with plaster.

[16] D. J. Appleby, ‘Members of one another’s miseries: The culture and politics of war relief in seventeenth-century Staffordshire’, in Collections for a history of Staffordshire, fourth series. Staffordshire Record Society. (2022), 175–190.

[17] C. D. Field, ‘Counting religion in England and Wales: The Long Eighteenth Century, c. 1680 - c.1840.The J. of Ecclesiastical History, (2012), 63 (4). 693-720.

Gothic Cathedral

Summary.  The standing cathedral was originally Gothic in architectural style. The stonework overawed, but there is a scant record of what it actually looked like before the Civil War destruction. The repaired cathedral has a Victorian Gothic Revival style, which is not the same as the original.

           The revolution in cathedral architecture, known as Gothic, is thought to have been first used in the building of the  Abbey of Saint-Denis, Paris, in 1144 and Notre-Dame, Paris, in 1163. Similar Gothic decoration had been used in the early mosques of the Middle East, so the western version was an adaptation and extension. This Gothic style, sometimes known as High Gothic, first came to England at Byland Abbey (1170) and then a rebuild of the east end of Canterbury Cathedral, 1174.[1]

French stonemasons in the Ile de France had worked out the stresses on the frame of a cathedral and began to change its appearance and functionality. At the time it was known as Opus Francigenum or French work.[2] Solid, monumental, Romanesque buildings with small lancet windows and timbered roofs became larger, lighter, more ornate, and with stone vaulted roofs. Many more pointed arches,[3] originally a Saxo-Norman feature, appeared. The heavy, thick walls were now pierced by large open windows and arcades. Pillars and columns held up pointed arches and together with flying buttresses (external, semi-arches often added later when weakened walls were noticed) enabled the walls to support elaborate vaulted, stone roofs. Large windows were now subdivided by closely spaced parallel mullions (narrow vertical bars of stone) often up to the level of the arch at the top of the pointed window. It gave the impression of a severe grid-like pattern which later became curvilinear and elaborate. Above there was stone tracery in elaborate, exuberant, geometrical patterns. There was usually at least one rose-window. The arrangement supported heavy, cut, coloured-glass windows. The triforium (middle layer) was reduced in size, but the clerestory above with larger windows increased in size. More vaulting ribs appeared including one central rib extending down the middle of the roof. Some side ribs were merely ornamental. The west front was generally monumental with twin towers and great doors. Wide towers supported narrow, tall spires, usually octagonal.[4] Pinnacles appeared on corners of the building. Statues and gargoyles were added. Walls were painted, usually red and green. In many cathedrals heraldic shields became a decorative device. There were abstract and animal images with bold colours symbolizing noble lineages. All these features are known from other Gothic cathedrals since there is no record or etching of the cathedral before its extensive destruction in the English Civil War, 1643-6.

 

Wenceslaus. Hollar’s (1607-77) etching, 16th-century. Note how all the niches are filled with statues. This is the earliest known image of the west front. Hollar's engravings were presented by Ashmole to Fuller's "Church History," published in 1655. Thanks to Univ. of Toronto Libraries.

 

               Wenceslaus. Hollar’s etching of the south side.  Has a reference to a bishop dated 1672

 

East end shrine chapel – French designed and constructed.

 

Vaulting at the crossing. Note the central ribs running down the middle of the cathedral. Some side ribs were purely ornamental. 

 

      Inside the central spire. Spires were tall, narrow and octagonal.

 

Narrow, comparatively small triforium.

 

          There are several reasons why this architectural style became the convention. Firstly, during the 13th-century there was a population growth with larger towns and an economy swollen with silver. There were new agricultural improvements, use of good quarries and better stonemasons. Communication improved and labour became more mobile. The wealth of cathedrals increased considerably.[5] The second reason for the new architecture was extra light was let into the cathedral and worship could now be seen in a way not possible before.[6] Liturgy was enriched. Some have linked this with the fourth Lateran Council, 1215, in which many theological changes were made to church organisation including infallibly defining transubstantiation as the centre of the Eucharist.[7] It enhanced the position of the chancel and many were now extended, squared off, had an ambulatory and given sedilia for more priests to sit close to the altar.  Piscina (for washing the sacred vessels) and a cupboard or aumbry (for storing the vessels) appeared. The third reason was it encouraged worshippers to look upwards to heaven. Height was not the greatest feature of early Gothic, but it became the defining feature of improved Gothic. The three spires reminded all of the Trinity. Bosses on the vaulting showed significant events. The polished stone subliminally stated a vision of heaven. The elevated gargoyles scared away evil and made the cathedral a safe space.[8] Statues had natural poses and gestures, full of tender feeling and strong emotion. Column capitals showed beautiful arrangements of leaves. A fourth explanation was it expressed the hierarchy of the church. The Angevin kings and bishops (often related) were frequently in tandem and all wanted to own a magnificent house of God, especially for their own glory or an ancestor’s memorial. The cathedral had a Consistory Court and a Chapter House to enforce rules and law. Somewhere in the edifice felons could be held for a short time. All behaviours were being determined by biblical explication. The spiritual majesty of a cathedral replaced the raw power of a castle.

Bishop’s chair between two stalls in the Consistory Court. Offenders were subject to the bishop and there was no way to appeal. 

Lichfield Cathedral did not begin until early-13th century (see the post ‘Third cathedral dates’), but epitomises in every way this revolution in style (alongside rebuilt Canterbury, Wells, Salisbury and rebuilt Lincoln). Even the Close became a fortified residence with a battlemented curtain wall and external ditch and moat. The new Jerusalem was given a city wall.[9] The cathedral felt spacious, could be full of light and everywhere stonework made the onlooker peer upwards; all pointing to heaven. By 1220, a new national style had been formed and Lichfield fully exemplified this. It has been written the 130 years 1220-1350 stand out as amongst the most energetic, inventive and extravagant period of building in English history.[10] It was a performance of majesty, new liturgy, craftsmanship and increased wealth.

             All this new architectural invention appears to be deterministic and relatable to the times. The wealth of kings and gifted money from nobles wanting recognition funded the revolution.[11] However, building took decades and lives were short. The cathedral took 110–140 years to build and that could have been 4 to 5 generations of wealth-givers. At Lichfield names of several master-masons are known and each in turn would have had their own ideas of building in stone. 

Supposed face of Walter de Ramessey, a mason engaged in 1337 to join the extension of the choir with the old choir so that the continuation was masked. Walter was a ‘King’s Mason’ and this face Is on the east side of the capital of the pillar by the north gate of the choir. From H. E. Savage, The fourteenth century builders, Unpub. article in Cathedral Library, (1916), 22.

 

 Several kings and bishops would have added their own particular preferences. Consequently, the cathedral was a bewildering mix of different styles. Even sizes varied, see the two front towers on the west end and the side aisles of the nave. A comprehensive account of the early Gothic transepts[12] highlights differences between the two transepts, between the bays of the transepts and between the levels of the transepts. It is a surprise to many how there is little symmetry in the building. Gothic was an evolving fashion, never a fixed design and went through several phases.

Today, it is inaccurate to describe Lichfield Cathedral as Medieval Gothic. Victorian rebuild, repair and replacement, 1854‑98, means the cathedral is now a neo-Gothic revised building. The Gothic Revival started in Napoleon III’s France by Eugène Viollet-le-Duc, 1814-79. Around 1830 and within a decade it became the architectural fashion in England, Germany, France and in missionary churches abroad. The revival included many variations, much of it was contrived and some was detrimental. At Lichfield George Gilbert Scott gave the cathedral a measured Gothic appearance relative to other cathedrals. However, there is precious little original Gothic in the visible fabric of the cathedral. It is a Victorian Gothic Revival edifice. Gothic is now a concept and not a defined architecture.

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[1] Strangely, not in Scotland or Wales. Perhaps, the greatest example was the royal chapel of Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. There were rivals in other parts of Europe; the cathedrals of Burgos and Toledo in Spain, the cathedral of Strasbourg near the French border with Germany and the cathedral of Cologne when it was finally completed.

[2] The term Gothic was first coined by Italian writers in the later Renaissance period (late 15th to early 17th–century). It was meant to be derogatory meaning barbaric. Between 1180 and 1270, eighty cathedrals, five hundred abbeys and tens of thousands of churches were built in France.

[3] Early pointed arches can be found in Syria and Mesopotamia, and Western builders probably took the idea from Islamic architecture that would have been seen in Spain at this time.

[4] Only 9 spires were built on French cathedrals before 1300.

[5] By the end of the thirteenth century twelve out of Europe's forty richest dioceses were in England.

[6] God was the light of the world, so it was liturgically important to show that light.

[7] This was a driver of change given in a Gresham online talk by Simon Thurley in 2010 entitled ‘A New Jerusalem: Reaching for heaven 1130–1300’. See https://vimeo.com/22404136.

[8] As well as draining off rainwater away from the wall.

[9] It resonates with the Book of Revelation.

[10] See S. Thurley, 2010. He added, boom leads to bust and the series of busts that hit English Society after 1300 came thick and fast: economic stagnation, climate change, famine, and disease. All led to changes in the way that the English built.

[11] W. C. Jordan, Europe in the High Middle Ages, (London: 2002), 141. ‘The greatest patrons continued to be the aristocracy and the Crown’.

[12] M. Thurlby, ‘The Early Gothic Transepts of Lichfield Cathedral’, In Medieval Archaeology and Architecture at Lichfield, J. Maddison (ed.) (1993), 50–64.

Archbishop Higbert of Lichfield

Summary. Following King Offa’s success at removing competing warlords, making money with exports and taxation and building a mother church, he persuaded the pope in 787 to convert the Bishop of Lichfield into an Archbishop. He ruled over an extended Mercia for 12 /14 years. In 788, Offa had his son made co-king in a remarkable coronation led by the archbishop.

 

          When Bishop Berthun of Lichfield died, c. 777/9, he was succeeded by Higbert in 779.[1] Higbert was probably a native of Mercia and known to King Offa. In 787, he was elevated to be an archbishop, signing himself as Hygeberht or Hygebeorht. His see was much of Southumbria, an area from the Thames to the Humber,[2] until 799, After Offa’s reign he was demoted to be an abbot and Ealdwulf succeeded him at Lichfield,[3] 799-80. Higbert died sometime in or after 803.[4]  This meant for 12 to 14 years there was an archbishop for the enlarged Mercian part of Southumbria and based at Lichfield.

    

 

Hygeberht in a floor roundel in the presbytery.

 

Hygeberht signing a charter, the third name, in 787. From BL Cotton MS Augustus II 97 

 

Multiple reasons for raising an archbishopric at Lichfield have been speculated. 

1.     Offa became the king of Mercia in 757 and continued, like Æthelbald his predecessor, to overpower other Early Medieval kings and warlords until he was unopposed. By the 770s, he ruled over most of England from the River Ribble southwards. An Archbishopric then marked Offa’s new found power. He began trading skins and furs through the ports of Chester and London and became wealthy. Abundant coins were then issued and taxation became normal. It was an accumulation of power.

 

The Archiepiscopal See of Higbert according to William of Malmesbury in 1120, but is probably incorrect. Higbert and Offa could have had more control of much of the church in southern England, especially after the death of the Archbishop of Canterbury (Jaenberht) in 792, but this was short-lived,

 

                                          Offa penny found at Elford. Courtesy of Yorkcoins.com

 2.     Charlemagne, Holy Roman Emperor of west and central Europe (Francia), called Offa his dearest brother. Trade was negotiated between Francia and Mercia, cloaks and stones were mentioned. At one time, both rulers had a silver coin of similar size and parity to enable this commercial interchange. People, especially scribes, also freely passed between the kingdoms. Offa began to see himself as equivalent to Charlemagne and wanted the same standing, including having an archbishop. This also enabled his son Ecgfrith being anointed co-ruler and thus securing Offa’s royal hereditary.[5] Archbishop Jænberht of Canterbury, is thought to have resisted this unprecedented arrangement and so Offa by-passed him.[6] Despite Offa having nominal control over Kent, he was not free to arrange a consecration of his son.[7] With Pope Hadrian’s permission Offa elevated his bishop to archbishop in 787 and in 788 had a coronation of his son, probably then aged around 17. After this, Ecgfrith witnessed at least two of Offa's charters as ‘Ecgfrith King’ or ‘Ecgfrith King of the Mercians’. After Offa's death and Ecgfrith’s early death[8] his distant relative Coenwulf became king, and he petitioned the pope to have Lichfield returned to a bishopric. The pope agreed to do so in 802 and this was confirmed at the council of Clovesho in 803; by which time Hygeberht was no longer even considered a bishop. Instead, he was listed as an abbot, his abbey is unknown, at the council that oversaw the demotion of Lichfield in 803.[9] 

3.     Offa was the first English king to hold a Council in 786 with papal legates attending and approving how Offa was generously giving to the church. This bought Pope Hadrian’s support for Offa’s request for a third archbishop.[10] Canterbury and York[11] remained, but Lichfield could have had pre-eminence. Consequently, Higbert officiated at the coronation of his son and heir in 788. This was the first coronation in England with a king being holy oil-anointed and probably the first ceremony with a religious element in the making of a king. It must have been opulent and unprecedented.[12] Maybe, Offa thought his kingship needed further confirmation[13] and this was a way of continuing his royal lineage.[14] Offa was grandstanding.   

Offa on the west front of Lichfield Cathedral. He is looking southwards to Rome whilst holding his Archbishop’s mitre.

          The new archbishop of Canterbury appointed in 793 was consecrated by Archbishop Higbert, which shows his pre-eminence at this time. When Offa had Ethelbert, king of the East Angles, executed in 794, Higbert buried the body in Lichfield cathedral in the presence of his clerks and deacons.[15]

 

     4.     A letter to the Pope Leo III written by Coenwulf, who succeeded Offa's son Ecgfrith to the Mercian throne, claimed that Offa's motives were his dislike of Jænberht the archbishop and of the men of Kent; there was a personal enmity.[16] Furthermore, Jænberht supported the Kentish king Egbert II, who appeared not to be a firm supporter of Offa's. This might say more about Coenwulf who was only distantly related to Offa; and later goes on to crush Kent.[17] In 798, Alcuin writing from the Palace School of Charlemagne in Aachen to Æthelheard, the new Archbishop of Canterbury, suggested that it would be good if the unity of the southern English church could be restored, given that it was apparently torn asunder not out of reasonable motives but out of a desire for power by Offa. This was a harking back to the traditional arrangement with Canterbury having the earliest church.  

      5. Fuller [18] in 1837 gave another reason why the Archbishopric came to Lichfield. He explained Lichfield was ‘in the navel of the land’ (the centre of Offa’s kingdom). “The highest candlestick should be in the middle of the table.” For him, Canterbury was located at a remote corner.

 

          Offa died on 29 July 796, but his place of burial is unknown.[19] It would be reasonable to think Archbishop Higbert officiated at his funeral just as he had for King Ethelbert two years previously. If so, it would be reasonable to assume this also was in Lichfield Cathedral and would be somewhere in the choir area. 

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[1] At a Mercian council he attended that year at Hartleford he was styled electus praesul or bishop elect. H. Wharton, Anglia Sacra. (1691), 430 calls him Higberthus.

[2] An estimated area used by M. W. Greenslade, 'Lichfield: History to c.1500', in A History of the County of Stafford: Volume 14, Lichfield, (London, 1990), 4-14. 

[3] William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum  Book 4, 311 (Cambridge: 1125), 467 has Ealdwulf being elevated to archbishop. Also, in William of Malmesbury, Chronicle of the kings of England. From the earliest period to the reign of King Stephen, c. 1090-1143; trans. J. Sharpe, 1769-1859; J. A. Giles, 1808-1884, (1887), “Yet rebellious against God, he (Offa) endeavoured to remove the archiepiscopal see formerly settled at Canterbury, to Lichfield, envying forsooth, the men of Kent the dignity of the archbishopric: on which account he at last deprived Lambert, the archbishop, worn out with continual exertion, and who produced many edicts of the apostolical see, both ancient and modern, of all possessions within his territories, as well as of the jurisdiction over the bishoprics. From pope Adrian, therefore, whom he had wearied with plausible assertions for a long time, as many things not to be granted may be gradually drawn and artfully wrested from minds intent on other occupations, he obtained that there should be an archbishopric of the Mercians at Lichfield, and that all the prelates of the Mercians should be subject to that province.” 80.

[4] A. Williams, Hygeberht [Higbert], Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 2004.

[5] In 781, Charlemagne had his two sons oil anointed by the pope.

[6] By about 765 Offa’s overlordship was recognised in Kent, and from this time onwards Offa would be increasingly restive under the commanding position of the archbishop of Canterbury. See C. J. Godfrey, The Archbishopric of Lichfield, (Cambridge: 2016).

[7] Perhaps as early as 786 the creation of a Mercian archbishopric was being discussed at Offa's court.

[8] Some think his death might not have been natural. One Chronicle stated he was seized with a malady.

[9] The Decree of the church council at Clofesho abolishing the archbishopric of Lichfield is known from Cotton MS Augustus II 61. The list of witnesses begins with two names: Æthelheard of Canterbury, who signed as archbishop, while Ealdwulf attested this decree as bishop.

[10] Offa vowed to donate 365 mancuses each year to the papacy, to provide for poor people in Rome and provide lights for St Peter’s church. The donation was in return for approval of an archdiocese. 

[11] In 735, the papacy elevated another Anglo-Saxon bishopric to an archbishopric when Ecgbert became the first Archbishop of York.

[12] See the post on the Second Cathedral. A large basilical shaped church would have been appropriate for this grand occasion. The order of service is unknown. The next order for a coronation is thought to have been written in the mid-9th century and the second was for the coronation of Edward the Elder, reigned 899‑924, in the year 900. These services were disregarded in 1066, but reimagined for the coronation in 1953.

[13] Unlike predecessors, Offa’s ancestry was not directly linked with earlier kings.

[14] See N. Brooks, The early history of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066. (Leicester Uni. Press: 1984), 118–126.

[15] See note 2.

[16] The enmity between Offa and Jænberht raises the possibility that it was Jænberht who started the rumour that surfaced in about 784 that Offa planned to dethrone the pope, as part of a plan to discredit Offa in the Papal Curia and ensure that any suggestion from the Mercian king about changing the arrangement of bishoprics should fall on deaf (or enraged) ears. From N. Brooks, see note 5.

[17] He requested the pope centre the archbishopric in London, but this was refused.

[18] T. Fuller, The Church History of Britain, (London: 1837), 160.

[19] Matthew Paris, a 13th-century St Alban’s monk, recorded he was buried in a chapel by the river Usk outside Bedford, but both chapel and tomb were destroyed in a flood. The text was Vitae duorum Offarum, ‘The lives of the two Offas’. Author and veracity of the history have been questioned.