Outstanding Features

Only medieval cathedral with three spires, was once the only fortress cathedral with a surrounding moat and is now a Victorian Gothic Revival building. A significant pilgrimage centre from early times. Has the best-kept Early Medieval stonework sculpture in Europe. Has a very early Gospels. Cells off the Lady Chapel might have been for anchorites. The chapel has 16th-century hand-painted Flemish glasswork. There is an extraordinary foundation to the second cathedral, probably built by King Offa. Once had the most sumptuous shrine in medieval England. Suffered three Civil War sieges, including a heavy bombardment. Has associations with Kings Henry III and Richard II. Only one of two cathedrals located on the same site as the original church.

Dates.

DATES. First Bishop of Mercia in 656. First Bishop of Lichfield in 669. Pilgrimage began 672, 1353 years ago. 8th century shrine tower. Second cathedral, possibly 8th century. Gothic Cathedral built c. 1210 to c.1340. Civil War destruction, 1643-6. Extensive rebuild and repair, 1854-1908.

Saturday, 10 September 2022

Lichfield cathedrals are not Norman, as are Wells and Salisbury

Summary.  Until recently many historians believed the second and third cathedrals were built during, or soon after, the Norman era. Yet there is no documentary evidence or architecture to support any Norman building. Construction for the present, third cathedral is deduced to have been in the early 13th century. This follows the same timeline as at Wells and Salisbury cathedrals and there are resemblances between the three buildings.

Twentieth century historians assumed there was a Norman second cathedral in Lichfield,[1] built in either the late 11th-century or the early 12th-century. Some gave only qualified or equivocal support for the dating.[2] If ever there was a second Norman cathedral, it would have lasted for no more than 110 years before the current cathedral was built early in the 13th-century. Since there are no clear and obvious remnants of Norman stonework from the second cathedral, it follows a monumental Norman cathedral would have been completely demolished to make way for an entirely new Gothic cathedral; something not seen with other cathedrals. Why past writers would want to invoke a Norman cathedral is an interesting zeitgeist.[3] Reasons to confute this myth are given in the posts, ‘Why the second cathedral must be Early Medieval’ and ‘Second cathedral has a short perch layout. It is Early Medieval.’ Two more reasons follow.

 

The Normans marginalised Lichfield

Four years after the Conquest in1066 at a Council held at Windsor, Leofwin,[4] the Early Medieval (Anglo-Saxon) Bishop of Lichfield, was summarily dismissed with a charge of carnal incontinence meaning he had a wife and children, but this was a ploy since other bishops were also married. It was backed by papal legates at the behest of Normans brought in to purge the English church. In actual fact, Leofwin had been too political and had maintained too close an association with the dissentient Earls of Mercia. He was never going to be compliant with the new Norman hegemony. At the next Council in 1075, headed by the new Archbishop Lanfranc, appointed by William the Conqueror, it was decided any bishops from villages were to be moved to populous cities, as cited in the disastrous Council of Serdica (now Sofia in Bulgaria) in 343 and repeated in the canons of the Council of Laodicea, Turkey, in 363/4. Citing a 4th century custom was another ploy to justify the move to oust unwanted cathedrals. The bishopric at Sherborne was moved to Old Sarum in Salisbury, Selsey was moved to Chichester, Wells went to Bath, Elmham in East Anglia was succeeded by Thetford and later Norwich, and Lichfield was transferred to Chester. In fact, Peter, consecrated bishop of Lichfield in 1070, some think earlier in 1067, had already moved to Chester by 1072 or 1073. The Council, two or three years later, was merely reflecting what had already happened. A letter in late 1072 or early 1073 referred to the Bishop of Licifeldensis (Lichfield) who is now Cestrenis (Chester).[5]

William I with his Domesday Book

 

The Normans downgraded the cathedral to be The Church of St Chad, the designation in the Great Survey, 1086, and entered in the Domesday Book. William of Malmesbury[6], 1080–1143, justified this by writing “Lichfield was a tiny village (uilla exigua) far from the busy life of towns, in the midst of a woody district, on the banks of a brook. Its church was on a cramped site, revealing the mediocrity and self-repression of its men of old, a place unworthy of the dignity of a bishop.” He also added ‘the church was famous for its poverty.’ William was a Norman apologist.


 William of Malmesbury

The Domesday Survey, 1086,[7] recorded the cathedral had only five priests and was among the poorest of the English cathedrals. Furthermore, Lichfield lay at the centre of perhaps the poorest part of the entire diocese.[8] The downgraded cathedrals (Salisbury, Wells and Lichfield – Selsey and Elmham disappeared) were now never likely to become wealthy and powerful.[9] Morris thought any Norman bishop would have been safer nearer a castle and this favoured Chester above Lichfield.[10] Wright saw the downgrading of Anglo-Saxon churches as engineered by the pope, since the papal court considered the Early Medieval church was obnoxious and the Norman Conquest was a signal victory for Catholicism.[11]

Then came another change in location of the bishopric with Bishop Robert de Limesey leaving Chester c. 1095, officially 1102, to site his see at Coventry. Why would the Bishop of Chester, now Coventry, want to build a large cathedral at Lichfield when there was much to extend and develop at Coventry and much to complete at Chester? Various reasons for the move have been given[12]  and all point to the development of a large cathedral in Coventry and consequently a further downgrading of Lichfield. Restructuring lasted until mid-12th century.

 Then for 18 years, southern England was caught in the civil war known as the Great Anarchy, 1135–1153. Most Bishops loyally supported King Stephen against Matilda, though towards the end they called for a reconciliation. Some believe Bishop Roger de Clinton of Coventry and Lichfield was a strong supporter of the king, but some have conjectured whether he also thought more of Matilda’s claim to the throne. During this time cathedral building everywhere was paused.[13] The warfare might be the reason why Clinton garrisoned (walled?) the Close, c. 1135. It also explained why in The Deeds of King Stephen,[14] c. 1148, it claimed Clinton was heavily involved in the military.[15]  With documentary evidence for Clinton selling land to build monasteries,[16] possibly adding streets to Lichfield,[17] probably allowing piped water into the Close[18] and behind various other projects during his 19-year episcopate, it is odd there is no record of him founding, or repairing a cathedral.  


Bishop Roger de Clinton on the west front of the cathedral. Holding a church signifies he built churches. He founded a Savigniac monastery in 1135 that became Buildwas Abbey. He also founded Farewell Priory.


Reconstruction of Lichfield by mid-12th century as a garrison town with a castle-cathedral and gridded streets. It is an adaptation of the 1610 John Speed map. 

There is no documentary evidence for a Norman cathedral.

William of Malmesbury,[19] c. 1125, said Bishop Robert Peche (1121–1126) gave great benefit to Lichfield (magnorum apud Licetfeld edificationum) and this has been interpreted as constructed buildings. In 1691, it was written there were large buildings (magnas aedificationes) in Lichfield at the time of Bishop Robert Limesey, 1085–1117.[20] Bishop Robert Peche (1121-6), is said to have begun large-scale building (magnarum apud Licetfeld edificationum inchoator).[21]  Bishop Roger Clinton, 1129–1148, raised Lichfield both in workplace and in honour (erexit tam in fabrica quam in honore).[22] From these statements, antiquarians, mostly Victorian, have concluded it supported the idea of a Norman cathedral. A more measured Victorian County History stated, “Of the cathedral buildings little definite is known before the rebuilding in the 13th century”.[23] Greenslade used the word reportedly to suggest building began in the late 11th century instigated by Bishop Robert de Limesey.[24] The reality is there is no empirical or documentary evidence for a Norman cathedral.

In 1854, a foundation was found under the floor of the choir and presbytery and it has been claimed this was the second cathedral and it was Norman.[25] This was despite the publication by Robert Willis in 1861, concluded, “we have no history to guide us in forming opinions save the most meagre indications”.[26]

Drawing of the foundation of the second cathedral.

Some writers were certain there never was a Norman cathedral. Clifton-Taylor stated of the 16 cathedrals existing at the time of the Reformation, only three show no Romanesque or Norman; they are Salisbury, Wells and Lichfield.[27] Pevsner and Metcalf were convinced the eastern part of the cathedral was built after c. 1195–1200 and so much after Clinton and just before the current cathedral was built.[28] Woodhouse[29] claimed the buttresses outside of the transepts appeared Norman, but these were changed in the 18th-century.

The historical narrative does not support a building of a second cathedral in Norman times and there is no record supporting such an undertaking. The reason is simple, the Normans ignored Lichfield, as they did in Salisbury and Wells. The current cathedral is like Wells and Salisbury and built in the 13th-century in the Gothic style.[30] This helps to explain why the west fronts of these cathedrals are alike, why the size and layout of the bishop’s palaces have similarities, and why the choir and presbytery areas have identical features.

[1] Clinton built a cathedral about the time he was installed, as I guess. R. Plot (1686) 362, 367. Clinton repaired and much adorned the church. T. Cox (1738), 125. Clinton about the year 1140 built a new cathedral church. T. Tanner (1744), 485. Little or nothing of the old Norman work appears at this day. J. Bentham (1771), 36. Clinton added greatly both to the size and beauty of the church. S. Shaw (1798), vol.1, 233. Clinton pulled it entirely down and rebuilt it. J. Jackson (1805), 75. Clinton took down the ancient Mercian cathedral and rebuilt it. T. Harwood (1806), 9. Present fabric was begun by Bishop Clinton. J. C. Woodhouse (1811), 4. Clinton added to the extent and beauty of the cathedral. W. Pitt (1817), 90. Clinton either re-edified or greatly augmented the cathedral. J. Storer (1817) sect. e. Clinton took down the Mercian building and erected the present edifice. T. J. Lomax (1819), 11. Clinton is said to have rebuilt the cathedral. J. Britton (1820), 19. Clinton almost rebuilt the cathedral. S. Erdeswick (1820), 213. Clinton is said to have rebuilt a great part of the cathedral. W. White (1834), 65. A great part of the present cathedral was built by Clinton. W. Dugdale (1846), 1240. 1238.Clinton is reputed to have entirely rebuilt the cathedral. J. B. Stone (1870), 16. Clinton’s Norman cathedral has disappeared by degrees. C. Bodington (1899), 20. Clinton may have erected or helped to erect the Norman cathedral. A. B. Clifton (1900), 5. (Bells).

[2] The Normans rebuilt Lichfield Cathedral. All the Norman work has vanished with the exception of a few undistinguished carved stones. S. A. Jeavons (1962), 11. Nothing of the pre-Conquest church has been discovered but foundations of an apsidal building may be assigned to the 11th-century. A. R. Dufty (1963), 293. Clinton certainly rebuilt or more likely completed the rebuilding of the cathedral though nothing of his work now remains. C. C. Taylor (1969), 48. The antiquated Anglo-Saxon cathedral was pulled down and a new edifice in the very latest Romanesque style of architecture was built. R. Studd (1980), 32. A Norman cathedral was built between c. 1090 and 1150, but nothing has been found of the pre-Conquest church. P. Johnson (1980), 113. Work was probably completed by Bishop Clinton 1129–1148. M. Greenslade (1990) The Saxon church was quickly replaced after the Conquest by a new cathedral in Norman style, begun in 1085. R. Mead (2001), 132.

[3] Many Victorian writers repeated the myth of a Norman cathedral. Invoking Norman fitted with their zeal to build large churches, railway stations like cathedrals and public buildings with a great façade. It was a conservative antidote to their major advances in science and technology which challenged the existence of God. It was the zeitgeist of the Victorian Age. So, Lichfield Cathedral is mostly a Victorian restoration and harks back to the surge in cathedral building in Norman times.

[4] He was possibly related to supporters of the Early Medieval Earls of Mercia. On resignation he returned to be abbot of Coventry monastery.

[5] Lanfranc’s third letter page 42, see C. P. Lewis, ’Communities, conflict and episcopal policy in the diocese of Lichfield, 1050—1150’. In: P. Dalton, C. Insley and L. J. Wilkinson, eds. Cathedrals, communities and conflict in the Anglo-Saxon world. (Woodbridge: 2011), 61—76, for a full account of this time at Lichfield. See H. Clover and M. Gibson, The letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, Oxford Medieval Texts. (Oxford: 1979), for the letters of Lanfranc.

[6] Note the reference to a cramped site for the cathedral, presumably still restricted by a surrounding enclosure. The men of old is pejorative for Anglo-Saxons. William had a Norman father, an English mother and was a monk, but living in Norman times he distained most things Anglo-Saxon. T. Wright, Biographia Britannica Literaria. Anglo-Norman Period. (London: 1846) wrote it was the fashion for at least two centuries after the Conquest to speak contemptuously of everything Saxon.

[7] Great Domesday Book 247r Lecefelle/Licefelle NA E31/2/2/1932 (Phillimore ref. Staffs. 2,16)

[8] R. Studd, ‘Pre-Conquest Lichfield’. Transactions South Staffordshire Archaeological and Historical Society, (1980), 22, 31. Also F. Barlow, The English Church, (London: 1979), 36, 62, 117.

[9] The Normans were preoccupied by strengthening their defences in Mercia and this was seen with the building of castles at Dudley, Shrewsbury, Tamworth, Tutbury, Warwick and later Stafford and Bridgnorth.

[10] M. Morris, The Norman Conquest. (London, 2013).

[11] See note 6 and Wright (1846), 7.

[12] See note 5 and Lewis (2011), 75. The formation of a Lichfield-Chester-Coventry diocese, with Lichfield the minor partner, by Bishops Peter and Robert was a way of augmenting their limited resources, as well as reforming the diocese along monastic lines.

[13] H. Braun, An introduction to English Medieval architecture. 2nd ed. (London: 1968). Also K. J. Conant, Carolingian and Romanesque architecture, 800–1200 (New Haven & London: 1978).

[14] Gesta Stephani an anonymous mid-12th-century history of King Stephen’s reign,

[15] T. Cox, Survey of the ancient and present state of Great Britain. (London: 1738) overstated this believing Clinton’s inclination was “to shine in armour”. This was supported with his involvement in the ill-fated Second Crusade,1147–1149, ending in his death.

[16] M. J. Franklin, Roger of Clinton (Oxford, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: 2004).

[17] C. C. Taylor, ‘The origins of Lichfield’, South Staffordshire Archaeological and Historical Society Transactions, (1969),10, 43–52.

[18] J. Gould, ‘The twelfth-century water supply to Lichfield Close’. The Antiquaries J. (1976), 56, 1, 73–79.

[19] William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum. (Rolls Ser.), 311 (Cambridge University Library: 1125). It conflicts with his assertion that Lichfield was a small village (uilla exigua).

[20] H. Wharton, Anglia Sacra. Volume 1(London: 1691), 433. This was possibly from Thomas de Chesterfield, 1347.

[21]  See note 3.

[22] Ibid, Wharton (1691), 434.See note 20.

[23] M W Greenslade and R B Pugh (ed),  'House of secular canons - Lichfield cathedral: To the Reformation', in A History of the County of Stafford: Volume 3,  (London, 1970), 140-166. 

[24] M. Greenslade, Lichfield: The Cathedral. In: A history of the County of Stafford: Volume 14, Lichfield. (London: 1990), 47–-57.

[25] W. Rodwell, The Norman quire of Lichfield Cathedral. Its plan and liturgical arrangement. 50th Annual report to the Friends of Lichfield Cathedral. In Lichfield Cathedral Library. (1987), 10-14.

[26] R. Willis, ‘On foundations of early buildings recently discovered in Lichfield Cathedral’. The Archaeological J., (1861), 28I, 17–8.

[27] A. Clifton-Taylor, The Cathedrals of England. (London: 1986), 15.

[28] N. Pevsner and P. Metcalf, The Cathedrals of England: Midland, Eastern and Northern England. (New York: 1985), 182, 187-8.

[29] J. C. Woodhouse, A short account of Lichfield Cathedral (Lichfield, Thomas George Lomax: 1811).  

 [30] Lichfield cathedral is one of nine non-monastic cathedrals of the ‘Old Foundation’. That is, they all have an early beginning and were set up without a monastic attachment. Of the nine (St Pauls, York, Chichester, Exeter, Hereford, Lincoln, Salisbury, Wells and Lichfield) only Hereford and Lichfield cathedrals still occupy the same site as their original church. 


Friday, 2 September 2022

Why the second cathedral must be Early Medieval.

 Summary. The foundation for the second cathedral was found in 1854 and immediately considered to be Norman. Its size, shape, structure, coating of plaster and dimensions all point to it being Early Medieval (Anglo-Saxon). Radiocarbon dating of the mortar would give resolution on the age of the cathedral. The foundation is a mere 300 mm below the floor of the choir aisle floor and extracting two samples and having them dated would cost around £2.5K.    

    In 1851, plans were made for extensive restoration of the cathedral including the installation of a heating system. Between 1856 and 1860, the floors of the choir area and side aisles were lifted to build brick flues which would carry heated air. In the course of the work foundations for two earlier buildings were revealed. A detailed survey of the foundation walls was made by the stonemason John Hamlet with assistance given by James Rawson a local physician and George Clarke, the clerk of works to George Gilbert Scott the architect for the restoration. A large drawing showed a well-defined, large choir foundation wall continuous with an apsidal ending. Abutted, but not attached, to this apsidal ending was a rectangular chapel.[1] Revd Robert Willis, 1800–75, an authority on church architecture, visited the Cathedral for two days in August 1859.[2] He saw the foundations resting on the sandstone bedrock 1.5‑2.1 m (5–7 ft) below the pavement of the side aisles of the current cathedral, took measurements, made observations, and published his interpretation in 1861.[3] 

 

Foundation of the choir-apse and abutting chamber superimposed on the plan of the current cathedral.

 

Robert Willis
  
Choir in 1860 with its floor uncovered


                                          Willis’s drawing of the choir-apse foundation with dimensions

 

The remarkable size of the choir-apse foundation was too great to have sustained a roof without internal pillars, so Willis imagined it had an inner apse of pier arches supporting the roof. Willis found ‘no architectural detail’ to fix a date of build for the foundation and concluded it was of ‘uncertain date’. Despite this he called it a Norman church, presumably reasoning such a large choir-apse in stone would be extraordinary for an Anglo-Saxon (now known as Englisc or Early Medieval) building. There was nothing comparable. The foundation was internally 15.9 m (52 ft 3 in.) wide and 21.4 m (70 ft 1.5 in.) long. The outer boundary of its lateral walls ‘seemed to lie’ in contact with the bench table of the side aisles of the current cathedral.[4] Both the north and south walls measured 1.7 m (5 ft 8.5 in.) in width which gave a total span for the choir-apse of 19.4 m (63 ft 8 in.). Willis measured the foundation height as c. 1.8 m (6 ft).

In the 1990s, part of the foundation was seen again and its exceptional size merited the labels ‘massive’ and ‘a great apse’. Rodwell fixed a start of build in 1085 and described it as Norman Romanesque in style.[5] Willis had conjectured the inner columns were wood, but Rodwell saw them as drum columns, 1.5 m in diameter. Roofing material has not been found apart from small amounts of Roman brick and tile,[6] which could have come from the first 7th-century cathedral.[7]

 

                          Photograph taken 1994 of the foundation in the north choir aisle.

 

The nature of the foundation was atypical, being well mortared, buff-cream, dense, and described as like concrete. During the 1856 installation of heating ducts, men had to force a way through concrete of ‘unusual hardness’.[8] Willis noted the wall had rough masonry in courses about 150 mm (6 in.) high. He thought the external face ‘appeared intended to receive a coat of plaster’. Rodwell described the lower levels as layers of mortared rubble. The upper layers were faced with rough ashlar behind which was a poured concrete core, of such strength that it was assiduously avoided by grave-diggers of all periods. It was an immensely strong monolithic construction comprising lime mortar and rubble poured into a trench.[9] It was like a section of an apse uncovered at Rochester, part of an early-7th-century Anglo-Saxon church.[10]  The use of rubble in the foundation resembled Clapham’s description of the early-9th-century crypt at Wing church, Buckinghamshire, in which the whole structure was built of the rudest rubble masonry with barrel vaulting in the same material.[11] Examination of the foundations at Deerhurst found they all contained 5 ft or more of coursed rubble laid in trenches with good mortar. Similarly, the walls at Brixworth contained random rubble.[12] There was no mention of uniform, dressed stone, typical of Anglo-Norman buildings.[13]

A very simple radiocarbon dating of the mortar would give resolution on the age of the cathedral. The foundation is a mere 300 mm below the floor of the choir aisle floor. Extracting two samples and having them dated would cost around £2.5K.

NB. There is a problem with naming the people Saxon or Anglo-Saxon (the preferred title in academic publications in the past). Based on surviving texts, early inhabitants of the region were commonly called englisc and angelcynn. From 410 A.D. when the Romans left to shortly after 1066, the term only appears three times in legal charters in the entire corpus of Old English literature and all in the tenth century. It is now being replaced by 'Early Medieval'.


[1] John Hamlet’s ‘General plan shewing the position of old foundation as discovered during progress of excavations for hot air flues’ is held in the Staffordshire Record Office LD 289/16. The drawing has a few revisions with pen overlaying pencil. Willis’s notes are kept in Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, MS 5042, with the title ‘Architectural drawings and notes of Lichfield Cathedral 1861‑64’. Willis saw only the south east part of the apse. The greatest amount of the foundation wall was observed by Rawson and Hamlet in 1856 and 1860. Map reference for the apse is SK1159 0978 and the chamber is SK1157 0977.

[2]  A. R. Dufty, ‘Lichfield Cathedral’ in The Archaeol. J., 120 Report of the Summer Meeting of the Royal Archaeological Institute at Keele in 1963 (1963), 294.4

[3] R. Willis, ‘On foundations of early buildings recently discovered in Lichfield Cathedral’ The Archaeol. J. (1861) 18, 1–24. Willis visited the Cathedral in 1849 to examine window tracery. In 1854, he was invited to forward a drawing for the restoration of the choir area. Before publication Willis gave a lecture reported in The Gentleman’s Magazine, March 1861, vol 210, 296‑300.

[4] ‘Seemed to lie’ was Willis’s phrase. The gap between the lateral wall and cathedral wall is estimated to be

 c. 180 mm (7 in.). Hamlet’s drawing showed the bottom of the foundation was wider than the top.

[5] Fragments of moulded masonry identified as Romanesque were found Rodwell 1992a, 29; R. K. Morris, ‘The lapidary collections of Lichfield Cathedral’, in J. Maddison ed., 13th Medieval Archaeology and Architecture at Lichfield (Leeds: The British Archaeological Association 1993), 101–108; Rodwell 1994, 29.

[6] Rodwell 1992a, 28

[7] Hamlet noted on his drawing a clay pit that contained a quantity of molten lead. Was this for the roof?

[8] J. G. Lonsdale, Recollections of work done in and upon Lichfield Cathedral from 1856—1894 (Lichfield 1895), 6.

[9] W. Rodwell, ‘An interim report on archaeological excavations in the south quire aisle of Lichfield Cathedral’, (Unpub. report held in Lichfield Cathedral Library 1992b), 4; W. Rodwell, J. Hawkes, E. Howe and R. Cramp, ‘The Lichfield Angel: A spectacular Anglo-Saxon painted sculpture.’ The Antiquaries Journal (2008), 88, 51 note 24.

[10] G. M. Livett, ‘Foundations of the Saxon Cathedral Church at Rochester’ Archaeologia Cantiana (1889) 18, 264.

[11] A.W. Clapham, English Romanesque architecture (Oxford 1930), 156.

[12] H. M. Taylor, Anglo-Saxon architecture: vol III (Cambridge 1978), 761 and 964.

[13] H. M. Taylor and J. Taylor, Anglo-Saxon architecture: vols I and II (Cambridge 1965), 7 and 1978, 756.