Abstract. An incised silver-gilt strip in the Staffordshire (Lichfield) Hoard has a Christian message of angst. The angst can be connected to the impending arrival of Danish Northmen in early 874 and the burial of the cross in the hoard was to keep valued objects out of the hands of pillaging non-Christian warriors. It could link with the removal of St Chad’s Gospels to Carmarthenshire. It questions the date for the burial of the hoard in the 7th century.
A folded silver-gilt strip,[1] 89.5 mm long, 179 mm unfolded, and 15.8 mm wide, weighing 80g, is thought to have been the main stem of a cross having had its side arms removed. It might have been attached to a container for a sacred relic,[2] or the cover or bind of a Gospel Book. It has a Latin biblical text incised on the outside, filled with niello[3] that blackens the writing, and is repeated again on the underside without niello and with compressed lettering. The text ended next to a figure of a serpent, or dragon’s head, with almond shaped eyes, mouth agape with curling jaws and a threefold tongue. This appears on both sides and strongly indicates the serpent shape would have been at the base of a cross. It is strikingly similar to the left column (Latin “I” letter for Iota) on the initial page of St John’s Gospel in the Lindisfarne Gospels[4] and the same for St Mark’s Gospel in St Chad’s Gospels. At the other end is a setting for a rivet and a jewel.
It was soon
realised the inscription could possibly suggest a date range for the writing on
the strip and by association point to a general date for the hoard. Based on
the biblical source, a possible 5th to early 6th-century dating was suggested.[11]
Based on manuscript analogies, a range of mid-7th to early-8th century was
proposed.[12]
Comparison of styles of lettering in Insular half-uncial manuscripts led to a
date range of 650–725.[13] Based on epigraphy a suggested date as late as
the 9th century was suggested.[14]
One aspect which led to this dating was the spacing between words; it was
argued the lack of spacing in inscribed texts in the 7th to 9th-centuries was
suggestive for a late date for the strip. The large open serifs are unusual and
only a few texts are known, five were cited from the 8th and 9th-centuries that
are comparable. A re-examination of these suggested dates concluded a late 7th
or early-8th century dating, but it was stressed it was problematical.[15]
The problem arises from some lettering which is idiosyncratic and there are few
exemplars to make comparison.[16]
Unfolded strip decoded. The letters DNE for Lord have a dot on each side to make it more distinct. |
Unfolded strip with serifs highlighted. |
Taking one
aspect and concluding a date is poor analysis, but it has to be kept in mind
that an open topped letter ‘e’ appears eight times on each side of the strip.
It is virtually absent from the text and marginalia in St Chad’s Gospels[17].
The open ‘e’
The open ‘e’ does not appear much in non-uncial manuscripts
before the 9th century. Of ten manuscripts listed as probably belonging to a Mercian scriptorium,[18]
the author reckoned eight do not have the open ‘e’; two could not be
ascertained.[19]
There is a similarity with Offa’s charter, 793–796, (BL Add Charter 19790)[20]
and Offa’s charter, 764, (Cotton MS Augustus ii 27). Two charters of Coenwulf,
Cotton MS Augustus II 74 and Stowe Charter 12 appear to have slightly open ‘e’
letters. Almost all other Anglo-Saxon charters written in the 8th and 9th
centuries have a closed ‘e'. The earliest surviving copy of the Rule of St Benedict,
(M.S. Hatton 48 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford), is a late 7th or early
8th-century manuscript and the Roman letterforms include an open ‘e’. An open
topped ‘e’ could be an affectation, but its absence from manuscripts from early
7th century to the second quarter of the 8th century must have some traction.
Drawing
conclusions from idiosyncratic writing is difficult. The writer not only had a
personal characteristic of the hand, but is writing with a stylus when they
might have been used to a quill. There might be a loss of accuracy because it was
done in a hurry. The writer might have been illiterate and was under full
instruction from a scribe. Nevertheless, there are pointers to think the cross
stem received a hurried message of angst and this dates from at least the mid-8th
century onwards. It gives doubt to the current view of the hoard being buried
in the late-7th century.
[1]
Catalogue No. 540 (K550)
[2]
D. Symons, The Staffordshire Hoard, (Birmingham:
2014), 35. It has also been suggested to be from a shrine, helmet, nose guard, shield
or sword belt, see T. Klein, ‘The inscribed gold
strip in the Staffordshire Hoard: The text and script of an early Anglo-Saxon
biblical inscription’. H. Hamerow (ed.) Anglo-Saxon studies in archaeology
and history. (Oxford: 2013), 62.
[3]
A black mixture (sulphide) of usually sulphur, copper, silver and lead added as
a paste to the inlay and then heated until it melts. When it was first used in
England is contentious.
[4]
Possibly the same Gospel in St Chads if it had survived.
[5]
Klein (2013), 64, said three out of four Anglo-Saxon biblical inscriptions
known were from the Old Testament and most were from the Psalms. There would still
be a knowledge and use of Numbers.
[6]
“exsurgat
deus et dissipentur inimici eius et fugiant qui oderunt eum a facie eius”
[7]
Brown’s interpretation, see note 8. Okasha read the inscription as “dei nostri
or dme nostri” see note 12. Klein thought it was “diu e(t) nos(tris) See note
5.
[8]
Practice letters are known from elsewhere on portable objects.
[9]
Saint Guthlac used this invocation and this has led to the suggestion he buried
the hoard. See J. J. Cohen, ‘Did Guthlac of Mercia bury the Staffordshire
Hoard?. In the Middle. (2009).
[10]
M. P. Brown, ‘The manuscript context for the
inscription’. H. Geake (ed.) Papers from the Staffordshire Hoard symposium. (London:
2010) See https://finds.org.uk/staffshoardsymposium/papers/michellebrown
[11]
D. Ganz, ‘The
text of the inscription’. H. Geake (ed.) Papers from the Staffordshire
Hoard. (London: 2010). See https://finds.org.uk/staffshoardsymposium/papers/davidganz
[12]
Brown (2010).
[13]
M. P. Brown, ‘ Mercian manuscripts: The implications of the
Staffordshire Hoard, other recent discoveries, and the New Materiality’. E. Kwakkel (ed.) Writing in Context:
Insular manuscript culture 500--1200. (Leiden: 2013), 14.
[14]
E. Okasha, ‘The Staffordshire Hoard inscription’. H. Geake (ed.)
Papers from the Staffordshire Hoard symposium. (London: 2010). See https://finds.org.uk/staffshoardsymposium/papers/michellebrown
[15]
Klein (2013), 71.
[16]
The following was considered idiosyncratic: an open topped letter e, the Latin
epsilon є both majuscule and minuscule, a letter U without the down stroke, and
tail serifs on letters q and p.
[17]
On pencil marked pages 2, 144, 230 and 240 it appears as a large epsilon E to
start the word evangelize. This probably was written much later by someone
referring to the text for a sermon.
[18]
Brown (2013), 3.
[19]
Salisbury Cathedral Library part-Bible MS117 fols. 163. 164 and the St
Petersburg Gospels.
[20]
18 letters out of 21 on the strip appear to be similar with those in the
Charter, including an open “e”.
[21]
R, Sharp, The Hoard and its history. Staffordshire’ secrets revealed. (Studley:
2016).
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