Facts on plague.
- Caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis which circulates in rodents such as rats, mice, marmots, gerbils, ground-squirrels and even cats. It was passed by rodent fleas and itch mites. These were easily transmitted with hand-me-down clothes and sleeping on a bed with others. Multiple occupancy of dwellings often meant several generations died together.
- It enters lymph nodes in the groin, armpit and neck causing painful swellings called buboes, which can blacken If the buboes suppurate, the stench of the pus is overpowering.
- After two days there is a fever, chills, headaches, body-aches, fatigue, vomiting. 70% of victims survive this stage.
- If it enters the blood, it causes septicaemia, which can darken the skin. If it enters the lungs, it causes pneumonia. Few survive this stage.
- These victims can pass on the disease in respiratory droplets. Antibiotics can cure if given within 24 hours of symptoms appearing. There are old vaccines which the WHO does not recommend.
- It is a re-emerging disease with variants resistant to antibiotics and most of the outbreaks are the lethal pneumonic form.[1]
First Pandemic was first recorded for Britain c. 549.[2] It
came from Egypt via the Middle East and Europe, lasted for more than 200 years,
and came to an end c. 750. This pandemic was also called the Justinian
plague after the emperor who ascended the papal throne when the plague started.
It killed seven known leaders in Ireland, some kings in Wales, Wigheard
archbishop-elect of Canterbury, several bishops including Cedd bishop of the
East Saxons, and Chad of Mercia. Various settlements ceased to exist in a
comparatively short time and the plague has been implicated. One notable example
is the Roman town of Viroconium (Wroxeter) which was thought to have had
several thousand inhabitants spread over 195 acres before the plague and within
two decades had shrunk to around 25 acres. A population reduction of sixty
percent in south-west Britain has been estimated. Bede described the pandemic
in 664.[3]
“In the same year a sudden pestilence first depopulated the southern parts of Britain and afterwards attacked the kingdom of Northumbria, raging far and wide with cruel devastation and laying low a vast number of people. The plague did equal destruction in Ireland”.
In 672, it
was probably plague that killed Chad in Lichfield (Licitfelda). Bede described
his dying in the following way,[4]
Chad urged Owine and seven brothers to meet him in the church. He urged them
all to live in love and peace with each other and then announced the day of his
death was close at hand. “For the beloved guest who has been in the habit of
visiting our brothers has deigned to come today to me also.” Owine later heard
angels singing and Chad explained they were angel spirits coming for him. For
seven days his body became weaker before he died on March 2. He was buried in
the cemetery field near St Mary’s church and archaeology has shown this was a
site now under the nave platform in the cathedral.
Second Pandemic, also known as The Black Death, was a variant of bubonic plague, and appeared to have started in the late 1330s at two cemeteries near Lake Issyk-Kul in the north of modern-day Kyrgyzstan, Central Asia. It passed with the Mongols giving siege to a Crimean trading post and then quickly passed through Europe between 1346 and 1353 causing a great loss of population; 50 million has been mentioned. Proportionally it was more destructive than the First World War with a third of the population killed and in some places as much as two-thirds. In England its dates were c.1348-50. It is generally considered to have entered England through the Dorset seaport of Melcombe Regis, now Weymouth, during May or June of 1348, but the ports of Bristol and Southampton[5] have also been cited. Possibly as much as half the population was killed in the two years. Around 1300 the population was possibly close to 4 million, but by the Poll Tax in 1377 it was 2.5 to 3 million. Recurring bouts in 1361-2, 1369 and 1375 probably killed another 10-15%. That means 60% of the population died within 30 years.[6]
Black Death
in London. Wikimedia. Public Domain
A plague mortality figure of 40%
of priests within the Lichfield diocese has been calculated, though strangely, there
is no record of any death of cathedral clergy.[7] Clergy
probably unwittingly helped to spread the disease. Such mortality was close to
the national rate. Thirteen of the 17 dioceses kept registers of their
mortality and Lichfield’s stands out as the most complete. Bishop Roger
Northburgh, 1322–58, recorded 459 livings in the diocese and 188 suddenly
became vacant and this is assumed to be the result of plague-deaths. This
assumption has been challenged.[8] It
is likely some parishes were wiped out and the priest was forced to move away. It
has also been stated the plague started in Lichfield in April 1349 and was
virtually over by the end of October. Again, this seems unusual. The same
writer described how the bishop continued his work during the worst time of
July without panic or confusion. The national outlook was the disease was
baffling, its origin was said to come from supernatural causes and death was to
be expected. It was a pestilence of biblical proportions and caused fear.
The disease was a threat to life over a long period of time.[9] England endured thirty-one major outbreaks between 1348 and 1485, a pattern mirrored on the continent, where Perugia was struck nineteen times and Hamburg, Cologne, and Nuremburg at least ten times each in the fifteenth century. Venice endured twenty-one outbreaks to 1630. In 1553, Lichfield with an estimated population of around 2000, was again gripped by the plague; and again in 1564 and 1593–4. On this last occasion it has been written that upwards of eleven hundred inhabitants died.[10] During the Civil War, 1645–6, the city was again afflicted and 821 deaths were reported in one year.[11] Then the Great Plague, 1665/6, struck in London, killing 75,000 and later affecting other parts of England. It is known the plague occurred in Lichfield in September 1665 and was blamed on a family giving lodging to travellers from London. There is no evidence it became endemic in Lichfield, which is surprising because this was at a time of the great rebuilding of the cathedral. The last outbreak was in Malta in 1813. All the death tolls can only be estimations.
Mortality Paradox
Mortality
numbers for the 14th-century are 19th-century estimations. Pollen records in
England do not show a slow-up of agriculture, yet 90% of the population was
rural. Archaeology has not revealed increased mass burials. There was no disruption
of issue of coins. It is now considered the high levels of death have yet to be
substantiated.
Consequences
·
It is said the Black Death interfered with building
of the cathedral, but the protracted period of poor weather and poor harvests
before the epidemic would also have affected work and labour supply.
·
It is known the plague increased bigotry. God’s
anger was interpreted as being caused by sinful people and blame fell on Jews,
friars, foreigners, beggars and even pilgrims. Folklore took over and it was infused
with prejudice.
·
The change of name from Licetfelda to
Lychfield was reinforced with preoccupation of death in a field.[12] There
was a widespread construction of shrines for the survivors to express gratitude
and perhaps guilt.[13] There
was a resurgence in appealing to the Virgin Mary for salvation.
·
New men of a younger generation filled the shoes
of those who died. They would have had a different outlook, worked in different
ways and were less beholden to feudal lords. Patrons were often new men and the
epidemic must have had a huge effect on the way they organised.
· Recruitment was needed for the church and often laymen joined the clergy. Pluralism in which members of the church held many offices and gained much remuneration became common. It inevitably reduced standards.
· The population of Lichfield returned to its pre-epidemic levels within twenty years; by 1664 it was estimated to be 2,500.[14] This was unusual, England did not recover to its pre-plague population level until 1600.
[1]
Covid-19 killed just 1% before vaccination was given. Plague still kills 10%. A
Plague variant could be the next epidemic. See G. Lawton, ‘Return of the
Plague’, New Scientist. 28 May 2022, 48–51.
[2]
D. Keys, Catastrophe. An investigation into the origins of the Modern World.
(London: 1999). 114.
[3]
HE Book 3, Chapter 27. J. McClure and R. Collins, Bede. The Ecclesiastical
History of the English People. (Oxford: 2008), 161.
[4]
Ibid. Book 4, Chapter 3, McClure and Collins (2008), 176.
[5]
Henry Knighton, c. 1337-96, an Augustinian Canon suggested it entered England
through Southampton and reached London via trade routes through Winchester.
[6]
S. Thurley, ‘How the Middle Ages were built: exuberance to crisis, 1300–1408’. Gresham
Lecture 2011.
[7]
J. Lunn, The Black Death in the Bishop’s Registers. Unpub. thesis
University of Cambridge (1930) now lost.
[8]
J. F. D. Shrewsbury, A history of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles. (Cambridge:
1970).
[9]
A plague cemetery in East Smithfield, London, revealed skeletons with a peak
age of death of between 26 and 45, with a preponderance being male.
[10]
T. Harwood, The history and antiquities of
the church and city of Lichfield. (London: 1806), 304. The
incumbent of Alrewas wrote, “This yeare in the Summertime,1593, there was a
great plague in England in Divers Cities and Townes . . . and in Lichfield
their died to the number of ten hundred and odde and as at this time of wryting
not cleane ceassed being the 28 of November. This number is anecdotally
supported by the St. Michael's parish register which recorded an increase in
burials in May and June with very high figures in July and August.
[11]
Ibid, 306. Elias
Ashmole wrote a note listing deaths by streets for the year 1645 and recorded
821. Plague continued until 1647 and is thought to have killed one third of the
population of Lichfield.
[12]
See the post ‘Lichfield changed its name’.
[13]
D. MacCulloch, A history of Christianity. (London: 2010), 553.
[14]
C. J. Harrison, ‘Lichfield from the Reformation to the Civil War’, Staffordshire
Archaeological and Historical Society Transactions, (1980), 22, 122.
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