The year 656
Summary. When Bishop Diuma came to the middle of Mercia
in the 650s, there is much now known how the people lived, worked, ate,
dressed, worshipped, kept law and order and improved health.
In the year 656,[1] King Oswiu installed an Irishman called Diuma to be the first bishop of middle England. He was consecrated by Bishop Finan of Lindisfarne and given the area of Mercia, Middle Anglia and Lindsey.[2] Bede explained this was a large see because of a shortage of bishops. It is the whole of middle England from Manchester down the Welsh mountains to the River Thames and over to the east coast. For convenience Diuma is titled the First Bishop of Mercia.
AI rendition of the statue of Diuma around the northwest doorway.
Diuma had visited Repton, 18 miles from Lichfield, in 653.[3] It is likely he never visited the area that will become Lichfield, but if he had it would have been around 35 acres, 14 hectares, of fields (Lich-fields) by a river with an unknown name within a dense forest extending from Derbyshire south to Warwickshire (estimated 70 miles long). South of the river was an extensive marsh occupying a flat valley with the bedrock being Mercian red sandstone.
AI rendition
of the topography that is to become Lichfield. The river runs northwest to join
the River Trent about 8 miles away.
Despite it being a wild area within a
forest, the Roman, now Early Medieval, pathway of Icknield or Ryknild Street
(A38) was 3 miles west and Watling Street (A5) about the same to the south.
Travellers could find their way to the north and Lindisfarne, to the southwest,
to Roman Wroxeter and to St Albans and then London and Canterbury. Archaeology by
the river has revealed three Early Medieval graves and early dwellings.[4], [5] At
Catholme on the Trent washlands (10 miles north of Lichfield) was a very large
Early Medieval Settlement. At Letocetum (Wall) (3 miles south of Lichfield) was
a small settlement. A priest like Diuma would have people inhabiting the area
to convert to a Celtic Christianity from a Germanic (Arian?[6])
belief.
AI rendition of settlement north of the river on the sandstone hillock in the late 7th-century. The area would most likely have a vallum (ditch or bank or both) to keep out wild animals and an early church.
AI rendition of the outside and inside of a dwelling.
Residents
It is now
thought 7th-century England had a growing economy, improved communications,
religious conversions, managed its tribal battles, was developing a legal
system, forming a social hierarchy and individuals pledged loyalties to a
strong warlord. Licitfelda[7]
(Lichfield) hamlets would have contained several ethnic groups, with loyalties
to ancestors and a warlord. Reynolds expressed it as the populace was not
‘English people,’ but an admixture of small to large polities, all with
different origin-myths.[8]
The Lichfield area would have been on the western edge of Germanic people
gradually colonising from eastern England and from missionaries arriving from
northern England. It was pioneer territory.
Settlement
The surrounding forest gave
timber, burnt heather from the local heath for fuel and planted crops provided
wheat, barley or oat (oat and wheat seeds were found in the archaeological
study south of the cathedral). Flax might have been planted in the wetter
areas. Bread wheat was the staple food, but there was a dark rye bread.
Vegetables were garlic, leeks, onions, parsnips, radishes, shallots and
turnips. For planting crops an ard or scratch plough was needed tethered to a
cow or ox.
Ard or scratch plough
AI rendition of a possible 7th-century cow, the breed is
unknown. It would have had a long skull with forward pointing horns. It would
have been wild in behaviour.
A long scythe was used to clear
away invading bracken and heather. Intensive manuring of the soil was important
and crop rotation was understood. Very few people in England ate large amounts
of meat before the Vikings came in the 9th-century, and there is no evidence
that elites ate more meat than other people.[9] Ownership
of land was usually with the churl; feudal ownership was not yet established. A
family would most likely have owned a few animals, particularly one or two oxen
for ploughing, hens, geese and ducks, and perhaps a cat or dog. It is also
possible pigs, sheep and goats were kept. If so, these animals would have been
moved from wood to fields with the changing seasons. The Old English feld in
the name of Lichfield might be an indicator of pig pasturing.[10] This
was a time when crop farmers were becoming interested in animal husbandry. A
few would own a horse.
A family might have had to
provide for a feast (honey, loaves, ales, cheese, birds, hams) to an overlord,
held near to their hamlet. It has recently been shown peasants did not give
kings gifted food as exploitative tax, but instead they hosted feasts. Food
lists for these feasts which have survived show an estimated 1kg of meat and
4,000 Calories in total, per person.[11]
An examination of ten feasts has shown each guest (could be more than 300) had
a modest amount of bread, a huge amount of meat, a decent but not excessive
quantity of ale and there was no mention of vegetables, although some must have
been served. The feasts were exceptional.[12]
Appearance
The average male stood at 172cm
(5 feet 8 inches) high and the average female was 157cm (5 feet 2inches)
according to skeletons. Dependence on low protein crops meant young people did
not attain full height until well into their 20s. A study of residues of
garments in graves concluded men wore coats, tailored tunics and trousers.[13] Women wore a linen, tailored gown with long
sleeves that might have ended in leather cuffs and over this was worn a loose cloak
of coarser weave. They possibly had a veil. There were regional variations in women’s
clothes; nothing is specifically known on costumes in Mercia. Clothing was usually
one size for adults and one size for children, and made to fit by tucking and
tightening with a belt. Women wore a kind of head dress or band held in place
with pins or on occasion with a buckle. A cloak might have had a hood. Animal
skins, such as otter, badger, pine marten, stoat and sheep, were worn by both
sexes with the fur on the inside. Shoes were also the same for both sexes and
are thought to be similar to those made by the Romans; namely, flat soled and
heavily laced. Only the rich could own elaborate brooches and pins, and some
even had embroided garments with gold thread. Saxon women wore bracelets,
necklaces and anklets. They might have hung useful items from a belt. Men also
possessed cloak brooches and possibly arm rings. The rings could be copper
alloy, or silver or at best gold for the rich. This jewellery varied with
fashion and area and it is unknown what was being worn in Mercia. Combs have
been found which suggests hair was frequently groomed. Considering the few
Saxon finger rings ever found, it is unlikely the ordinary Saxon would have
one.
AI regeneration of typical 7th‑century dress in England, for men, women, and children.
Law and Order
People would have access to a
simple legal system organised from a Mercian stronghold somewhere in the Trent
or Tame River valley area. It would be a rudimentary family law with the
beginnings of human rights. The idea that others could be asked to give a
judgement on someone’s wrongdoing had started. Miscreants did penance by
working for a church. Sickly and disabled children might also be cared for in
the church community. Women enjoyed many freedoms and some ran estates and
nunneries. Women exercised ownership of their household and intervened to help
other households. There are several accounts of kings listening to their wife
and being guided by her advice. Women were often equal in law to their husbands
and her sons. Everyone would know about the warlord, claiming to be descended
from Woden. Recognition of an elite ruling family in the area was relatively
new; their ancestry was often contrived. Separation between the privileged and
the poor was now beginning.
Warfare
Boys were trained in fighting
skills from the age of 7 and then received their first weapons on reaching 14.
The most likely weapon would be a spear. He could then be called to fight for
the warlord as a mercenary. If he received a sword, it would be accompanied by
oaths of fidelity and this would mark the attainment of manhood. The sword
would be special to the individual and might even receive a name. Many owned a
seax knife. An axe would be frequently used for collecting firewood. Only the
elite warriors had a horse and shield. Fighting was usually in Springtime
before planting and Autumn after harvesting.
AI generated
weapons in 7th-century England
Worship
A church would offer a daily
Divine Office of sung prayers and chanted psalms with readings from the Bible
given by a senior cleric. The Psalms sung by a precentor might have been
accompanied by a psaltery which was a 10 stringed, harp-shaped instrument with
a hollow, triangular sounding box. Lyres have also been found. The church day
was divided into 7 times for worship and if bells were rung each time this gave
people an idea of the time in the day. No early Saxon service book has
survived, so it is unclear the order of a service. Maybe, there was a diversity
of services and it was not as rigid and regular as is often supposed. A local
pool or stream could be used for baptism.
AI generated
church for late 7th-century. It sits atop a hill by a river in an isolated location.
Time
Before the Synod of Whitby (663
or 664) the year had 12 lunar months and lasted 354 days. The names of the
months were connected to customs associated with the time of the year and they
varied regionally. Bede’s interpretation in his ‘The Reckoning of Time’, 725,
stated January was named after Yule, February was the sun month to offer
cakes to the Gods, March was after the goddess Hreáµa, April after Eostre, May was for milking three times in the
day, June and July were for sailing, August was when to weed, September was
harvest time, October was the start of
winter with a full moon, November was the time to sacrifice animals and
December was the month before Yule. Every two years an extra leap month between June and July was
added. After the Synod, the Roman year of 365 days was followed and years later
an extra day had to be added to account for the missing quarter day. Only the
two seasons of winter and summer were recognised; Spring and autumn seasons do
not appear until the 16th and 17th- century. Bede considered winter started on
7 November and summer on 6 February, but not everyone followed this. Those
following the Celtic tradition started their year on Halloween and later it
became 25 December or Yule. The day started at sunrise. For most people the
time of the year would be known only from phases of the moon, appearance of
migrating birds, times when flowers bloomed and fruited and when animals gave
birth. Time would be a general concept.
Inhabitants would be very aware
of changes in the weather and health and have some belief system to expiate
misfortune. Invocations and charms were known and used to foretell events.
Epidemics of a variant of plague swept through parts of England at least four
times in the 7th-century. High mortality would have been exacerbated by the
poor general level of health. Life expectancy was probably around 40 years with
infant mortality being high and men generally living longer than woman. Many
female skeletons show ankle deformations consistent with spending much time in
the squatting position. High status individuals lived just as long as low
status people; there was not yet a spatial separation of the privileged and so
infections reached everyone. Age was measured in the number of winters lived.
Trade
The climate was much colder that
it is today, but it started to get warmer after the 7th- century. Their
rectangular timber framed dwelling perhaps had a heather brush roof; very thick
and strong to bear the weight of snow. At West Stow Saxon village, Suffolk, a
‘stuffed thatched’ roof with a base layer of gorse into which straw was stuffed
has been found to give a sturdy roof and might have been used in Mercia. The
floor was probably raised up to be above the damp ground, but how this was
generally done is still unsettled. Most ornaments were fashioned from wood, but
a churl probably knew of a smith to obtain forged goods. Goods would be
bartered and so a sense of relative values would be known. Some might have been
able to afford glass bowls for eating and drinking; the glass most likely being
recycled Roman glass. There might have been some trading with travellers. One
particular item that would be sought was a quern stone for grinding seeds.
Another would be flint for cutting. Other extras could be bought at wics or trading centres and for Mercia
they are not identifiable. All the 30 plus productive trading wics known were
spread across eastern England. Traded goods would have travelled along the
river Trent from the wics in Lincolnshire, but where they were offloaded is
unclear; Tamworth is a guess, Burton another.
Wildlife
Red and roe deer, wolves, boar,
beavers and otters would occasionally be seen. People would have heard old
stories of the extinct lynx and brown bear. They might see once in a lifetime a
wildcat. Black rats, wood mice, shrews and mosquitoes were pests. Foxes,
badgers, shrews, weasels, red squirrels, hedgehogs and pine martens were
commonly seen. Hare would be evident on fields, but not rabbits. Common birds
were sparrows, swallows, martins, crows, rooks, ravens, starlings, jackdaws,
pigeons, buzzards, red kites, herons and cranes (the carpet page of St Chad’s
gospel shows entwined, three-legged birds that resemble cranes). In 671, there
was a “great mortality of birds”, presumably because of a very cold winter. The
heathland would have grouse, quail, partridge and possibly pheasants. There
would be little hunting of animals unless the churl could join with others to
assist, in which case hounds were used for chasing. January was the favoured
time for hunting wolves. They would set snare traps for small animals. Local
streams could provide eels and trout. Boys dug foxes out of their holes and
hunted hares.
AI generated 7th‑century wild animals in England
Medicine
The common
view of early medicine is herbal potions, magical practices, superstitious
beliefs, invocations and charms based on strange ideas of how the body worked.
The Lacnunga, British Library Harley MS 585 early 11th-century, described
remedies requiring chants of particular words and actions that had to be
repeated. A carbuncle required a chant sung 9 times that started with the
Lord’s prayer. An illustrated Old English herbal, British Library Cotton MS
Vitellius C III early-11th century, advised parsley for a snakebite,
The central concept was a doctrine of four
humours[14] which
when in balance and harmony gave a healthy body, but any disruption led to disease.
Disease was primarily caused by internal disequilibrium, and affected by
seasons of the year and natural rhythms of the universe[15]. Blood
circulated like the tides. Added to this was the view of the body being invaded
by ‘alien matter,’ evil spirits and sometimes the wrath of God.[16] Medical
care was available in monasteries and often prayer and pilgrimage were seen to
be all that was offered. Primitive medicine was always irrational and limited,
but there were cures. There was a body of lay practitioners, mostly in
monasteries, available to treat the general population. They were called in Old
English, laece, translated as a leech or physician. A doctor was a medicus[17].
They were expected to deal with all kinds of illness and injury and a host of
symptoms with causes beyond anyone’s comprehension. [18] St
John of Beverley attended several unwell people and Bede described their
treatment.[19]
Page from Bald’s Leech book, written c. 900–950, British Library Royal MS 12 D XVII. Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain. The Leech book contains innumerable prescriptions for a bewildering variety of illnesses, injuries and mental states.
The monastic practitioner,
according to Bede,[20]
had a centre, hospitale, for their practice where sick people were taken.
This centre provided accommodation for travellers, pilgrims and those requiring
hospitality. Presumably, one was located at Lindisfarne, and perhaps at Licetfelda.
Medicine was a subject for study. St Aldhelm mentioned medicine as one of the
subjects taken at the school founded at Canterbury by Archbishop Theodore in c
.670.[21]
According to Bald’s Leechbook, mid-10th century, remedies were drawn from early
Latin and Greek texts such as by Alexander of Tralles, died c. 605, and
physicians known as Oxa and Dun. The leech charged fees for their services known
as a laece-feoh, leech fee.[22] The
usual outcome was the making of certain compounds with the hope of relieving
symptoms.[23]
There is evidence of making a thoughtful prognosis. Bede described a young man
who developed a swelling on his eyelid which progressively grew bigger. Poultices
had been applied without success and some leeches advised lancing the swelling,
but others disagreed fearing complications.[24] A
recipe for an eye salve in Bald’s Leechbook, mid-10th century, has been shown
to be effective against antibiotic resistant bacteria.
Treatment of fractures occurred. Bede
described several people sustaining fractures and their treatment. In the Life
of Wilfred, a young mason named Bothelm fell from the top of Hexham church and
broke various bones and dislocated some joints. Physicians were called in who
immobilized the fractured limbs with bandages.[25]
Bede tells the story of Herebald who was riding in the company of John of
Beverley when he fell off his horse and fractured his thumb and skull. John
called for a surgeon who bound up the injured man's skull.[26]
There was a rudimentary
understanding of disease spread by contagion. Archbishop Theodore at the
Council of Hertford, 672, eight years after the death of Cedd at Lastingham,
forbade monks from travelling from one monastery to another.[27]
This was possibly a response to stop the spread of plague, though there could
have been other reasons. When Chad became ill, he told his brothers he had been
visited by ‘the beloved guest who has been in the habit of visiting our
brothers.’[28]
The guest could have been a rodent carrying fleas as a vector for bubonic
plague (blefed).
Skin diseases due to
malnutrition, vitamin deficiency and lowered vitality were common. It is
doubtful whether the remedies prescribed would have had much effect although in
one case, at least, a recipe for scabs on the skin which contained tar might
well have proved beneficial.[29]
Early histories of plague in
Europe usually remarked on the dirtiness of dwellings. Accumulation of waste in
the dwelling and street, poor disposal of human and animal waste, overcrowding
and poor ventilation are cited as reasons for the easy spread of disease.[30] A
poor state has not been substantiated and could be uncommon or a form of
prejudice.
Palaeopathology has given some
indication to the sort of ailments the leech might be called upon to treat.
Osteoarthritis was a common joint condition and has been found in much skeletal
material from Early Medieval cemeteries. Dental, alveolar disease and fracture
of the ankle have been frequently encountered. Less common conditions include
osteochondritis dissecans, congenital dislocation of the hip, pyogenic
arthritis of the humerus and even leprosy.[31] Many
desperately searched for a miracle cure and whilst most remedies were useless
the leeches provided some measure of comfort for the sick. Indeed, the
practitioners carried out their work with at least some regard to the ethics
and morality of their calling.[32]
[1]
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles do not record this event.
[2]
F. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England. (Oxford: 1989), 120. Bede, Historia
Ecclesiastica, Book 3, chapter 21. See J. McClure and R. Collins, The
Ecclesiastical History of the English People. (Oxford: 2008), 145.
[3]
The Parker Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has for the year 653 ‘In this year the Middle
Saxons under Peada the earldorman (eldest son of King Penda) received the true
faith. The Laud Chronicle has this in the year 652. It suggests Diuma and other
priests with Peada’s instruction were baptising people known as Middle Saxons
and this is interpreted to be at Repton. There is no mention of Diuma.
[4]
See the post, ‘Early Settlers’.
[5]
M. O. H. Carver, ‘Excavations
south of Lichfield Cathedral, 1976–1977’ South Staffordshire Archaeological
and Historical Society Transactions, 1980–1981, XXII (1982), 38.
[6]
Arius argued that the the Son of God came after God the Father
in both time and substance and was not divine.
[7]
See the post, ‘Wulfhere and Wilfrid, and later Bede, name Lichfield.’.
[8]
S. Reynolds, ‘What do we mean by Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Saxons?’ Journal of
British Studies (1985), 24, 395–414.
[9]
S. Leggett and T. Lambert. ‘Food and Power in Early Medieval England: a
lack of (isotopic) enrichment’. Anglo-Saxon England, (2022), 1.
[10]
D. Turner and R. Briggs, ‘Testing transhumance: Ango-Saxon swine pastures and
seasonal grazing in the Surrey Weald, Surrey Archaeological Collections, (2016),
189.
[11]
T. Lambert and S. Leggett. ‘Food
and Power in Early Medieval England: Rethinking Feorm’. Anglo-Saxon
England, (2022), 1.
[12]
For a long time, it has been thought peasants
had to pay a food tax, a form of tribute called feorm and the people producing it were called feormers, a word which later became farmers. It is now thought the
giving of food for feasts was a one-off event and served to connect farmers to
the elite rulers. It was not an obligation but gave a sense of communal
connection. The first Mercian King ruled from c589 and probably lived well away
from most communities, but on rare occasions turned up for a feast.
[13]
K. Brush, Adorning the dead. The social significance of early Anglo-Saxon
funerary dress in England (Fifth to Seventh centuries A. D.), Unpub. PH. D.
dissertation, University of Cambridge.
[14]
The four humours affect temperament: Blood makes a man of goodwill, simple,
moderate, reposeful and sturdy. Red bile makes a man of even temper, just, lean
of figure, a good masticator of his food, and of strong digestion. Black bile makes
a man irascible, greedy, avaricious, sad, envious and often lame. Phlegm makes
a composite type, watchful, introspective and growing early grey headed.
[15]
H. M. Cayton, ‘Anglo-Saxon Medicine within its Social Context.’, Durham theses,
Durham University. (1977) Available at Durham E-Theses Online:
http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1311/
[16]
Apostasy and immorality, usually of a sexual kind, were often given as reasons.
[17]
J. McClure and R. Collins, (2008), Book IV, Chapter 19, 204. See note 2.
[18]
S. Rubin, ‘The medical practitioner in Anglo-Saxon England’. Journal Royal College
General Practitioners, (1970), 20, 63.
[19]
Ibid, Book IV, Chapters 2–5, 237–241.
[20]
McClure and Collins (2008), Book IV, Chapter 24,
217. See note 2.
[21]
J. G. Payne, English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times, (Oxford: 1904), 15.
[22]
A 12th-century comment of William of Malmesbury in ‘Life of St Wulfstan’
[23]
S. Rubin (1970), 65. See note 16.
[24] McClure and Collins (2008), Book 4, Chapter
32, 232. See note 2.
[25]
B. Colgrave, The Life
of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus. (Cambridge: 1927), Chapter 23, 47.
[26] J. McClure and Collins (2008), Book 6, Chapter 6,
243. See note 2.
[27]
Ibid, Book IV, Chapter 5, 181.
[28]
Ibid, Book IV, Chapter 3, 176.
[29]
W. Bonser, The medical background of Anglo-Saxon England. A study in
history, psychology and folklore. (London: 1963), 375.
[30]
A. Hirsch, Handbook of geographical and historical pathology. (London:
1883), 1, 522.
[31]
For detailed descriptions of diseases in Anglo-Saxon populations, see the work
of Calvin Wells, e.g. Bones, Bodies and Diseases, London 1964; and D.
Brothwell, e.g. "Palaeopathology of Early British man", J. Roy.
Anthrop. Inst. 1961, 91. 318-44 and Digging up Bones, London 1963.
[32]
S. Rubin (1970), 70.